cahn: (Default)
cahn ([personal profile] cahn) wrote2021-10-04 10:27 pm
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Frederick the Great and Other 18th-C Characters, Discussion Post 31

And in this post:

-[personal profile] luzula is going to tell us about the Jacobites and the '45!

-I'm going to finish reading Nancy Goldstone's book about Maria Theresia and (some of) her children Maria Christina, Maria Carolina, and Marie Antoinette, In the Shadow of the Empress, and [personal profile] selenak is going to tell us all the things wrong with the last four chapters (spoiler: in the first twenty chapters there have been many, MANY things wrong)!

-[personal profile] mildred_of_midgard is going to tell us about Charles XII of Sweden and the Great Northern War

(seriously, how did I get so lucky to have all these people Telling Me Things, this is AWESOME)

-oh, and also there will be Yuletide signups :D
selenak: (Wilhelmine)

Re: William III, FW, and Sophia

[personal profile] selenak 2021-10-24 03:31 pm (UTC)(link)
Oh, she was definitely interested. But then, if I have the timing right, this letter was at the start - getting upset etc. all happened later, when the prospect had become far more real. As did her idea that future G2 should take his seat in the House of Lords (in his capacity as Duke of Cambridge) so he'd get some practice with English politics and English everything, to which Anne said NO HANNOVERS ON BRITISH SOIL IN MY LIFETIME. Oh, and let's not forget the Caroline biography mentioning that Sophie's reaction to future G2 taking Henrietta Howard for a mistress was to tell Caroline at least it would be good practice for his English. :) A bit more seriously, she wasn't wrong re: the practical obstacles and in some of her ideas of how to help with that. Though of course the fact she didn't do what her mother had done, i.e. make all her children learn English, does indicate she didn't think ruling Britain would be in the cards for them then. Which, let's face it, WAS an incredibly unlikely long shot when her kids were young, since it depended on Cousin James screwing up royally, cousins Mary and William not having any kids, all of Anne's kids dying and all of Sophie's own siblings (all older than her!) either not having any children or the children disqualifying themselves by turning Catholic.

Another unlikely AU and "what if?", btw, is the one where young Sophie actually marries cousin Charles II while he's in exile and thus later does become Queen of England, producing a good number of children (fertility wasn't a problem for either of them, evidently), some of which survive into adulthood. No glorious revolution in England, no Jacobite uprisings in Scotland. James remains the eternally disgruntled Duke of York, and his Catholicism remains seen as his private excentricity, since he's no longer the heir. Charles' oldest illegtimate son Jemmy the Duke of Monmouth survives instead of getting executed by James. In Germany, it also means no FW, no Fritz, a possibly very different Prussia, oh, and Hannover likely remains a small principality which doesn't even make it to electorate status.

selenak: (Default)

Absalom my nephew

[personal profile] selenak 2021-10-25 05:54 am (UTC)(link)
Alas yes, there's a tragic ending waiting for Jemmy. After spending some time in exile with cousins Mary and William in the Netherlands (and btw, the fact that they not only took him in but that he was close to both should have told James something about how his oldest daughter and son-in-law saw him long before the Glorious Revolution), Jemmy led the Monmouth Rebellion against James, was defeated, and executed, most gruesomely (incompetent executioner, depending on the source either five or seven blows with the axe needed, until finally he had to employ a knife to severe the head of the twitching body.) A lot of people, including Charles II's widow, Catherine of Braganza, had asked in vain for his life. James Welwood, a physician, wrote to Mary (James' daughter, remember, but also very much friends with her cousin) after his death:

"Monmouth seem'd to be born for a better Fate; for the first part of his life was all Sunshine, though the rest was clouded. He was Brave, Generous, Affable, and extremely Handsome: Constant in his Friendships, just to His Word, and an utter enemy to all sorts of Cruelty. He was easy in his Nature, and fond of popular Applause which led him insensibly into all his Misfortunes; But wherever might be the hidden Designs of some working Heads he embark'd with, his own were noble, and chiefly aim'd at the Good of his Country."

"an utter enemy to all sorts of Cruelty" was not something that could be said about Mary's father James, who had dealt with Monmouth's followers even more gruesomely than with his nephew. Their fates are referred to as the "Bloody Assizes". I quote:

The Bloody Assizes took place at Salisbury, Dorchester, Taunton and Wells. Figures vary, but it appears that more than 1,400 cases were heard, of which 1,381 rebels were found guilty and condemned to be hanged, drawn and quartered.

The King exercised the prerogative of mercy in some cases and it ended with 320 being executed and the sentence for 800 commuted to transportation. There was a good reason for this; before the final battle had been fought, slave owners at the King’s court had petitioned him to buy up to 1,000 rebels to use as slaves on their sugar plantations in the West Indies. The King could make a lot of money out of this and it was not an act of mercy; the brutality and hardship involved is well illustrated in Raphael Sabatini’s novel Captain Blood.

In time honoured fashion, once the condemned had been beheaded and their bodies quartered, their heads and quarters were displayed in prominent sites around the area where the rebellion had taken place; the description by travellers of: “...a charnel house...” was frequently used.

Special treatment was reserved for Lyme Regis where the rebellion had originated; heads and quarters were displayed on the spiked railings around the church, and there they remained until King James was deposed in 1688. Indeed, any attempt to remove any body part, anywhere would result in severe punishment.


Just in case someone tells you James and his idea of absolute royalty were harmless. Re: the fate of nephew Jemmy, there was an additional vicious touch in that the King granted him an audience before his execution. Now, in every single case this had happened before, the King granting an audience to a condemned man was a signal that the condemned man would be pardoned. James had no intention of pardoning his nephew, but granted the audience, it seems, just to say later that Jemmy had behaved cowardly, asking for mercy, even offering to to convert to Catholicism. Whether or not this is true depends on whether you believe James II, but the thing is: afterwards, Jemmy died while the Eucharist was withheld from him by the (Anglican) Bishop sent to administer him because Jemmy refused to admit that either his rebellion against James or his relationship with Lady Henrietta Wentworth (who is the "my love" the narrating Jemmy refers to in the novel) had been sinful. So he went to his gruesome death unpardoned in every sense. That he stuck to his refusal does not sound like he offered a Catholic conversion before to me, but of course the two don't have to be mutually exclusive. Oh, and for added measure, James also claimed that Jemmy might not have been his nephew after all given that Jemmy's mother Lucy had lived such a dissolute life. To which one could say: Charles II never had a moment's doubt Jemmy was his son, including during their times of argument, and Charles was many things, but easily trusting or letting wishful thinking reign were never one of them. Nor did anyone else in the legitimate family doubt Jemmy was Charles' kid, including the very strict Henrietta Maria, the grandmother who had supervised part of his upbringing, Henriette "Minette" Anne the youngest sister of Charles and James, who'd been close to him, or James' own daughters.

Anyway, when you read accounts where Mary and Anne, James' Protestant daughters, are compared to Goneril and Regan for turning against Dad, I'm thinking that in addition to the very sound political reasons they had for doing so, Mary at least might also have remembered how Dad had treated the cousin she'd liked and maybe even loved.
Edited 2021-10-25 05:59 (UTC)
selenak: (Default)

Re: Absalom my nephew

[personal profile] selenak 2021-11-01 07:46 am (UTC)(link)
Oh noooo :(

Since the novel is told by Jemmy in first person (during his exile in the Netherlands), you can read all of it except for the epilogue without having to go through this gruesomeness, if it's a comfort. (The epilogue is told by his mistress, Lady Henrietta Wentworth, in first person, summing up what happened to him.)

You know, I guess I now knew from your previous writeups that Mary was James II's kid, but I guess it didn't really sink in for me until this comment?

Here's a Mary anecdote for you: when her wedding to cousin William (who was her first cousin, the son of James' and Charles' oldest sister Mary, which is why he later had a claim to the throne both through his wife and his own descent) was prepared, Mary was upset at this whole marrying abroad thing and cried. Charles' wife Catherine of Braganza wanted to comfort her and told her that she, too, had been upset when having to marry a foreign monarch, but then she'd found her happiness in Charles. "Yes", sobs Mary, "but Madam, you were travelling to England, and I am leaving it!"

(Bless the Brits.)

Anyway, Mary and Anne as James' Protestant daughters from his first marriage were a big reason why until his second marriage produced a (Catholic) son, James' throne was relatively secure. He was undoubtedly the legitimate king of you believe in the monarchy, and hardcore Protestants could comfort themselves that Catholic James would just be an interlude, to be succeeded by his Protestant daughter with her impeccably Protestant husband, and even if these two did not have a living kid, there was the other Protestant daughter with also an impeccably Protestant husband, and she kept having babies, at least one of which would surely survive! Surely! And then...

What were the very sound political reasons they had, was it just that James II sucked as a monarch?

That, and also James' chumminess with Louis XIV. Who was William's arch enemy whom William and the Netherlands had been warring against for most of William's life. Not to mention that Louis became more hardcore Catholic the older he got. Now I don't know whether William and Mary ever seriously believed James would attempt to do what Mary Tudor had tried, to re-Catholize England, and do it aided by Louis' troops. But they certainly could have believed dear old Dad would do nothing while France invaded the Netherlands again.

The Jude Morgan novel also has Mary telling Jemmy that she was quite aware of how her father had treated her mother, but that's novelistic speculation. (Reminder: James had gotten Anne Hyde pregnant, married her in secret, then denied having married her and/or wanted to take it back, with the recorded in Samuel Pepys' journal awful simile that a man doesn't put on a hat into which he has shat. Brother Charles did not let him get away with this, and James remained married to Anne Hyde, eventually producing Mary and Anne the younger, future Olivia Colman, with her.)
luzula: a Luzula pilosa, or hairy wood-rush (Default)

Re: Absalom my nephew

[personal profile] luzula 2021-11-02 08:23 pm (UTC)(link)
Just in case someone tells you James and his idea of absolute royalty were harmless.

This sounds pretty much like what the Hanoverians did after the '45, though? At least the executions, transportations, putting people's heads/bodies on display for years... Well, except that we don't know what they would've done if they'd caught BPC, of course. I've never actually seen anything about what their plans were for that.
selenak: (Default)

Re: Absalom my nephew

[personal profile] selenak 2021-11-03 02:50 pm (UTC)(link)
I didn't mean that the treatment of rebels was unique to James, but that he wasn't a harmless (Catholic) excentric who lost the throne because everyone was paranoid about the Church of Rome, which is an impression you can sometimes get when reading certain books. (Looking at you, Nancy Goldstone.)

Well, except that we don't know what they would've done if they'd caught BPC, of course. I've never actually seen anything about what their plans were for that.

Somehow, I don't think he'd have been beheaded in the Tower by an incompetent executioner. Not because the Hanoverians were nicer than James, but because BPC had a protection Monmouth did not - he was legtitimate royalty. Ex-royalty, from a Hanovarian pov, but his grandfather had been King, and he himself was the son and grandson of legal marriages. Whereas Monmouth was illegitimate, and no matter how much he had been liked by legal Stuarts not James, he was a bastard who had tried to achieve a position usually reserved for legtimate offspring. By the very system everyone (no matter of which faith) was upholding, that made him a transgressor.

...also, I don't think any of the Hannover clan had met BPC. There was no personal rancour. (G2 was busy hating his own (oldest) son and Dad, I doubt he ever gave a personal fig about any of the Stuarts beyond not wanting them on the throne.) James and Monmouth, by contrast, knew each other pretty well. There was a (terrible) relationship and thus personal enmity.

Mind you, I don't think they'd just have send him home to Rome! (Or France.) He probably would have been imprisoned for years, or the rest of his life. But not executed as a rebel.
luzula: a Luzula pilosa, or hairy wood-rush (Default)

Re: Absalom my nephew

[personal profile] luzula 2021-11-03 09:49 pm (UTC)(link)
I didn't mean that the treatment of rebels was unique to James, but that he wasn't a harmless (Catholic) excentric who lost the throne because everyone was paranoid about the Church of Rome, which is an impression you can sometimes get when reading certain books.

Ah, okay. I think the very first time I read about him, I was like "he thought people should be allowed to be Catholic? That sounds reasonable?" but I have since realized how serious the religious issue was at the time and that he was really pushing the Catholic agenda, and also that he seems to have been a pretty terrible king with a talent for pissing everyone off (except perhaps in the Highlands). But his execution and transportation of rebels seems pretty standard for the time.

Hmm, interesting speculation re: BPC.
mildred_of_midgard: (Default)

Re: Absalom my nephew

[personal profile] mildred_of_midgard 2021-11-03 10:17 pm (UTC)(link)
Ah, okay. I think the very first time I read about him, I was like "he thought people should be allowed to be Catholic? That sounds reasonable?"

Same!
mildred_of_midgard: (Default)

Re: Absalom my nephew

[personal profile] mildred_of_midgard 2021-11-03 10:04 pm (UTC)(link)
Not because the Hanoverians were nicer than James, but because BPC had a protection Monmouth did not - he was legtitimate royalty.

Huh. I don't have strong opinions on whether he would have been executed--could go either way, imo--but I've always considered it a possibility. He was descended from royalty, and he was legitimate, yes, but would the Hanoverians really have recognized him as royalty? Or are you saying that they would have had to be concerned about repercussions from people who did?

My thinking was always that BPC wasn't an anointed monarch, nor even the son of one, and even being an anointed monarch isn't guaranteed protection if you're a plausible threat to the current monarch. After coming as close to London with an army as he did, an execution wouldn't have surprised me.

But I could be convinced.
selenak: (Default)

Re: Absalom my nephew

[personal profile] selenak 2021-11-04 12:44 pm (UTC)(link)
Honestly, both of you know so much more about the 45 that I would not argue with your expertise. I'm simply basing this on the massive double standard in general re: the treatment of (legitimate) princes of the blood (which BPC still was, despite being two generations away from the throne) vs all other rebels (or potential competition for the throne). I mean, if Elizaveta and Catherine in Russia lock up not just poor Ivan and Anna Leopoldovna for life but also all of Ivan's siblings and EC's brother instead of just, well, killing them, in Russia, where the supreme rulers have way more leaveway than in the rest of Europe... Also, in the event of a BPC capture, who would make the decision to execute him? Cumberland? G2? Would there be a trial? BPC's followers count as rebels from a Hannovarian pov, but does BPC, who hasn't been born in Britain and thus isn't really a subject of King George (or is he, again, from a Hannoverian pov - of course he's not from a Stuart one)? If he's not a rebel, is he foreign invader? Also, if he's a live prisoner, could he be made to officially resign from any claims the Stuarts have to the throne? Lastly, locking someone up and letting them rot for the rest of their days strikes me as a way more 18th century method to deal with prisoners on that level than going for an execution. Though I could be wrong.
mildred_of_midgard: (Default)

Jacobites and treason

[personal profile] mildred_of_midgard 2021-11-04 03:04 pm (UTC)(link)
Honestly, both of you know so much more about the 45 that I would not argue with your expertise.

But you know more about the Hanovers and the 18th century in general. :) Also, keep in mind that my knowledge is 20 years old and doesn't extend to many primary sources, and if there's one thing salon has taught me, it's that any belief I hold will eventually be overturned by new evidence, if I just wait long enough.

I mean, if Elizaveta and Catherine in Russia lock up not just poor Ivan and Anna Leopoldovna for life but also all of Ivan's siblings and EC's brother instead of just, well, killing them, in Russia, where the supreme rulers have way more leaveway than in the rest of Europe...

Ah, but that wasn't a double standard! Elizaveta famously decided not to have a single person executed in her entire reign! And both she and Catherine had a standing order to have Ivan killed on the spot if there was an escape attempt, which is how he died (almost immediately after Catherine's coup). Elizaveta was also said to have cradled the one-year-old during the coup, saying, "Poor, innocent baby." Which is also completely different from BPC and his army.

Also, in the event of a BPC capture, who would make the decision to execute him? Cumberland? G2? Would there be a trial?

I would be interested to know what Cumberland's standing orders were during the hunt for the Prince. If you really wanted to kill him, it wouldn't be that hard to say that he didn't survive the attempt to capture him, so sorry, too bad.

If he had been captured alive, I was always assuming Parliament would have claimed jurisdiction and he would have been put on trial for treason. I mean, if they could execute Charles I!

BPC's followers count as rebels from a Hannovarian pov, but does BPC, who hasn't been born in Britain and thus isn't really a subject of King George (or is he, again, from a Hannoverian pov - of course he's not from a Stuart one)?

Yeah, this is an interesting legal question. Hmm. I just checked Blackstone, and this is possibly relevant:

Local allegiance is such as is due from an alien, or stranger born, for so long time as he continues within the king's dominion and protection: and it ceases, the instant such stranger transfers himself from this kingdom to another.

Oh, wait, this is even better:

It was enacted by statute 13 and 14 W. III. c. 3 that the pretended prince of Wales, who was then thirteen years of age, and had assumed the title of James III. should be attainted of high treason...And by statue 17 Geo. II. c. 39, it is enacted, that if any of the sons of the pretender shall land or attempt to land in this kingdom, or be found in Great Britain, or Ireland, or any of the dominions belonging to the same, he shall be judged attainted of high treason, and suffer the pains thereof.

Yeah, this is consistent with the impression I'd always had that BPC would have been charged with high treason. Would they have gone with the full death penalty in practice? I can't say for sure, but this law was passed in 1743 in direct response to BPC's arrival in France, and the relevant passage reads:

he...shall, by virtue of this act, stand, and be adjudged attainted of high treason, to all intents and purposes whatsoever, and shall suffer and forfeit as persons attainted of high treason by the laws of the land ought to suffer and forfeit.

If anyone is interested in knowing who took what side in the parliamentary debate (which was mostly about the clause to attaint anyone of high treason who even corresponded with any of the Stuart pretenders), there are 200 pages of speeches in Cobbett's Parliamentary History of England: 1743-1747 on Google. :) Chesterfield is against. What's interesting is he doesn't seem to think there's the slightest danger of a real invasion. But he also argues that even if there's a real danger, essentially, "We can't let the terrorists tyrants win by passing laws that would make us as bad as them."

Also, if he's a live prisoner, could he be made to officially resign from any claims the Stuarts have to the throne?

Yes, just like Philip V was made to resign from any claims he had to the French throne. ;) IOW, if I were a Hanover, I wouldn't feel very safe.

Okay, see, this post is what I mean when I say that if we start talking about the Jacobites, I will get sucked back in. :'D
Edited 2021-11-04 17:31 (UTC)
luzula: a Luzula pilosa, or hairy wood-rush (Default)

Re: Jacobites and treason

[personal profile] luzula 2021-11-04 07:47 pm (UTC)(link)
Ha ha, wow, not going to stop you. Great work digging!

That's very interesting. It's sort of paradoxical to me that the government was worried enough to enact that law in 1743 (presumably in response to the fact that James III's heir had grown up and turned out to be ambitious), but still be so unprepared in 1745, especially after the French attempt in '44!

Oh, and the arguments for or against it: I see that they're about the English punishment for treason in general, which was controversial both because of the physical cruelty, but also because it punished children for their fathers' sins (they could not inherit from a father convicted of treason and lost all titles). Scotland didn't use to have that law, they just executed the traitor. But in 1709, the English law for treason was introduced in Scotland, much against the will of the Scots MP:s and also arguably against the articles of Union of 1707, because Scotland had been guaranteed to keep its laws. I just randomly started to read the Duke of Bedford's speech (he raised a regiment of his own in the '45, btw, though it was mostly useless), and saw something I didn't know: that this foisting of the English punishment for treason on Scotland (and also the law itself in England) was supposed to have a time limit: until the Pretender was dead (James III, it must be) and also three years after the Hanoverian succession. So it seems what they're debating is not just about whether the Stuarts should be attainted for treason, but whether this law should continue to be prolonged?

Good for the Duke of Bedford; I like his speech arguing for the abolishment of the English punishment for treason (well, except for when he claims that when poor people revolt, they will always set up arbitrary and tyrannical power).
mildred_of_midgard: (Default)

Re: Jacobites and treason

[personal profile] mildred_of_midgard 2021-11-05 03:52 pm (UTC)(link)
presumably in response to the fact that James III's heir had grown up and turned out to be ambitious

Precisely in response to the fact that he'd shown up in France in late 1743 agitating for support, and the French had received him instead of kicking him out.

Remember that one of the terms of the Peace of Utrecht back in ~1713 was that France had to recognize the Protestant Succession and kick James "III" out south of the Alps, which is why the Stuarts are now living in Rome. The fact that BPC is now in France and clearly not there to socialize and attend the opera, is a violation of the treaty. And of course, France and GB are now at war again.

still be so unprepared in 1745, especially after the French attempt in '44!

Well, at least one of the speechmakers (Chesterfield) was arguing that there was no way there was any real and present danger!

Chesterfield also made an interesting argument, which was that they shouldn't pass this bill (again, they're arguing mostly about the forfeiture of estates, not about attainting BPC for treason) because the government already had law on its side, unlike the Pretender, who could only offer violence, and there was no call for the English to start acting like him by threatening violence.

but also because it punished children for their fathers' sins

I saw a lot of this in my skimming! One counterargument seems to be that just like if the fathers spent money when they were alive, it's not punishing children that the fathers can't leave them what they don't own when they die. (Which is interesting, because the whole principle of entailment is that you can't alienate your own real estate because you're holding it in trust for the next generation. I wonder if anyone mentions that. Of course, not all estates are entailed, but as I recall from my Roman days, the early Romans *couldn't* alienate their own property, for that very reason.)

until the Pretender was dead (James III, it must be)

Yep, James III, who ended up not dying until 1766.

So it seems what they're debating is not just about whether the Stuarts should be attainted for treason, but whether this law should continue to be prolonged?

Yep, that's one of the articles! I think it was Chesterfield who was going, "Look, he's 55, he's in pretty good health, he's going to live a while longer, why do we need to extend the term longer?" The bill got passed and did in fact get extended to include the two sons, so 1807, when Henry Benedict died (BPC dying in 1788). Though it then got repealed in 1799, when there really was no danger from the Jacobites anymore.

Ha ha, wow, not going to stop you. Great work digging!

So this I didn't actually mind spending time on, because my resistance to reprising the Jacobites is that I don't want to be rehashing the same ground (and the temptation is there, because I know I have access to *so much more* than I did when I was a high schooler in a small town in pre- and early-internet days). But this is new ground that I'm interested in covering, so I'm game. :)

In the last decade, I've twice tried and failed to read Blackstone cover to cover, so any excuse to dip into him again is welcome. And I still remember the moment, almost twenty years ago, when I was at college and realized the library had entire shelves of volumes of the Parliamentary speeches. I was flabbergasted and wished I was still in the fandom so I could make time to read them!

[personal profile] cahn, I think I've told you who Blackstone is, but just to repeat: he wrote a monumental four-volume treatise called Commentaries on the Laws of England, published 1765-1770. They were read by the American Founding Fathers and influential in the shaping of the new laws. The online scan I've used when I need to check the original, instead of the OCRed Kindle version I use for actual reading, is from the Boston Public Library and signed by John Adams!

He's notorious for being "best of all possible worlds" and casting each and every law as wise and moderate. This is entertaining, because England was known for having a brutal criminal law, death penalty for everything and gruesome torture + death for the really bad stuff, and watching him bend over backwards to do gymnastics to cast everything as "Well, but it could be worse!" is hilarious.

He's not always reliable, but he is comprehensive, and very readable, although the four volumes are too long and dense for me to have read the series cover-to-cover. Now that I have a much better system for reading long and dense works, which I developed in the last 3 years, I should give it another try.

But in the more near future, I'd like to sample the Parliamentary speeches on treason. They seem fascinating! I see a lot of references to the Greeks and Romans. Which is exactly what I'd expect from the 18th century, but it is cool to see it in practice.
luzula: a Luzula pilosa, or hairy wood-rush (Default)

Re: Jacobites and treason

[personal profile] luzula 2021-11-06 02:13 pm (UTC)(link)
One counterargument seems to be that just like if the fathers spent money when they were alive, it's not punishing children that the fathers can't leave them what they don't own when they die.

But it's also about titles, which you can't spend like you do money. I also saw an argument that it's even an offense against the illustrious forebears of the nobility, who expected their children to be ennobled for all time.

Though it then got repealed in 1799, when there really was no danger from the Jacobites anymore.

Oh, interesting. But that was a time when the British government was really worried about treason. The French revolution had happened, and there was a crackdown on seditious reading clubs passing around Rights of Man, etc. They were so worried that they suspended habeas corpus and kept people locked up indefinitely without bringing charges, I suppose because so many people were being locked up that the court system couldn't keep up.

But thinking about it further, the old English punishment for treason is really harsher on the rich and titled--execution or transportation is enough of a deterrent for the kind of people involved in the potential rebellions of the 1790's. In fact, this is part of the Duke of Bedford's argument: we want the nobility to feel that they can revolt if they feel that it's necessary (such as, from his POV, in 1688), because if only poor people revolt, they will have no proper leaders and will take all his stuff set up arbitrary and tyrannical government. And in the 1790's, the threat wasn't coming from the nobility, so the government felt safe changing the punishment for treason. Is my off-the-cuff theory, anyway.
selenak: (Default)

Re: <s>Jacobites</s> Stuarts and treason

[personal profile] selenak 2021-11-06 09:40 am (UTC)(link)
So, I recalled that I actually have a biography of Monmouth in Munich, not just the novel, checked out the passages about his execution and about the treatment of his followers, and reality is actually worse than what I recalled from fiction. Firstly, the rebels's fates excepting Monmouth himself, aka The Bloody Assizes, presided over by one Judge Jeffreys, whom James II. had elevated to the House of Lords and whom he would subsequently, i.e. after what Jeffreys did here, make Lord Chancellor:

The scale of the mass justice on that autumn of 1685 was eyewatering. ON a single day in September over 540 prisoners were tried and sentenced. Jeffreys told the incarcerated rebels that if they pleaded guilty the King would s how mercy. He was expected to execute only the ringleaders, and that made sense. After all, the rank and file of the New Model Army - i.e. the Republican English army that had fought against Charles I. under Cromwell - had not been tried, let alone executed, in 1660. Instead it was the signatories of Charles I.'s death warrant who had been hunted down. Even in the rebellions of the 16th century the vast majority of grassroots recruits were pardoned.
After watching the first few who pleaded 'not guilty' being almost immediately condemned and executed, most of the remaining rebels did was Jeffreys advised and were accordingly convicted of 'levying war against the king' and other related crimes. But the horrifying realisation soon came that this time, there would be almost no clemency. Over the weeks that followed 250 people would be hanged, drawn and quartered, while a further 850 were to be transported to the West Indies for ten years labour. In all over 90 per cent were either executed or deported, and fewer than ten per cent pardoned.
The scale of the executions was such that the hangman Jack Ketch, who had so mutilated Monmouth on Tower Hill, complained that even with an assistant, one Pascha Rose, he could not hang, draw and quarter twenty-nine people in one day as he was being asked to. After the sentencing, the hangings themselves were systematically distributed across thirty-seven locations in orst, Devon and Somerset to maximise their impact. (...) Jeffreys' lack of pity for the rebels was unsurprising, but it added to the profound sense of shock. One young woman of Lyme Regis pleaded on her knees before the judge to spare the life of her fiancé. The judge was reported to have looked down at her and to have remarked with a smirk that 'he could only spare her part of him; but as he knew what she wanted, it should be that part which she liked best, and he would give orders to the sheriff accordingly.' The sight and smell of the mutilated corpses, mounted as macabre trophies, was too much for many to bear. John Langford of Dorcester cut down the quarters of a friend, judging the consequent punishment worth enduring.
It was not just the rebels themselves who were given severe sentences. ON his very first day in court Jeffreys tried the sevent-year-old Lady Alice Lisle, who though deaf and infirm was accused of allowing rebels to sleep in her stables. She maintained her innocence throughout and it was only through relentless hectoring and bullying the jury over many hours, and after rejecting a not guilty verdict three times, that Jeffreys was able to force a conviction. When he did so, he remarked with satisfaction that ' if I had been among you and she had been my own mother, I should have found her guilty'. Despite a barrage of pleas for her life, Alice Lisle was hanged six days later. Another woman accused of aiding the rebels was Elizabeth Gaunt, a tallow chandler who had lodged with Mrs. Smith in Amsterdam. The crime for which she was tried was that of helping to arrange a passage out of London for one James Burton, who was testifying against her to save his own skin. She was found guilty and on 23 October 1685 was burned alive at Tyburn. As the pyre was lit she held up a Bible and declared in a clear voice she died to defend it. She would be the last woman in English history to be executed for treason.


(From "The Last Royal Rebel: The Life and Death of James, Duke of Monmouth" by Anna Keay.)

(Jeffreys is a rare case of karma catching up with someone: when James II. had to flee the country, Jeffreys was arrested for treason and died in the Tower (of illness) before he could be brought to trial.)
(One could make a case that Hannoverians had learned how to treat rebels from James?)
Edited 2021-11-06 10:40 (UTC)
selenak: (Default)

Re: <s>Jacobites</s> Stuarts and treason: Monmouth's death

[personal profile] selenak 2021-11-06 10:12 am (UTC)(link)
Monmouth's death: rereading the non-fictional account, something that stood out for me was (in addition to the gruesomeness which underlines that if you have to be executed, you better pray that your executioner is at least competent at it, and that Henry VIII actually did do Anne Boleyn a favour with that swordsman from France, macabre as it sounds) was what does NOT happen in comparison to most executions. Convention in such cases demanded that the about to be executed person proclaimed their loyalty to the monarch and asked the attending crowd to pray for the monarch, displaying their loyalty to said monarch. If you check out the pre-execution speeches of Thomas More, Anne Boleyn and Thomas Cromwell, this happens in every case. ( Charles I. when executed of course did not acknowledge the right of parliament to do so, same with Mary Queen of Scots.) This doesn't mean these people really were rooting for the King who had them executed as they died, but were aware that they still had living family who might suffer if they did not follow convention.

Meanwhile, Monmouth (who was the last Duke to be executed in England)

Stepping up onto the scaffold, Monmoth addressed the crowds. (...) 'I come to die', adding with emphasis, 'I die as a Protestant of the Church of England.' The clerics tried to talk him into condemning all acts of resistance to royal authority, but Monmouth would not be drawn; instead he was intent on protecting the hnor of the woman he loved, and so he spoke the words he had rehearsed: 'I have had a scandal raised about me about a woman, a lady of virtue and honor. I will name her the Lady Henrietta Wentworth. I declare that she is a very virtuous and Godly woman. I have committed no sin with her; and that which had passed betwixt us was very honest and innocent in the sight of God.'
When asked to denounce his invasion as a rebellion, Monmouth said nothing but handed over a piece of paper on which he had written the only recantation he was prepared to make. It staded his regreat at having been declared king, and confirmed that he knew his parents had never been married. He went no further. He made no statement of loyalty or penitence to James II, whom he called 'the King who is now', and asked only that he would not punish his children on his account.
The bishops tried again, but still Monmouth would not be drawn. HE was sorry, he said, for evryone he had wronged. (...) Pressed hard to call his upsiing a 'rebellion', Monmouth continued to resist. The most he would concede was his regret. 'I never was a man that delighted in Blood, I was very far from it.' he said. 'I am sorry for invading the Kingdom, and for the Blood that has been shed, and for the Souls which may have been lost by my means, I am sorry it ever happened.'
Around the scaffold stood an armed guard and beyond them the sheriffs and the crowd. When asked whether he would not say something to them to acknowledge his crimes, he stood quite still and was silent. (...) The bishops tried one last time to extract words of obedience to James II. But when they said 'Lord Save the King', Monmouth did not repeat them. (...) Finally one of them asked him whether he would at least say something to the guards of the importance of remaining loyal to the king. Monmouth replied only: "I will make no speeches, I come here to die.' With the midday sun shining down, his servant came forward to help him undress. He removed his wig, refused the cap and blindfold he was offered, and from his pocket he took a small silver object which he gave to his man along with six guineas.
(The money is traditionally for the executioner.) (...)
With the crowd motionless in awful anticipation, Ketch, legs apart, steadied himself. Reaching back, he heaved the great axe through the air, but when it fell heavily it came down sort, chopping deep into Monmouth's neck, causing his body to convulse and his head to turn, but withuot killing him. Now partially facing his victim, Ketch began to shake, and when he swung the axe again, he again failed to make a clear strike and took another bite from Monmouth's neck. The crowd goraned at each horrific hack. When his third swing also missed, Ketch's shoulders sagged, and he htrew down his weapon in despiar, crying: "God dame me I can doe noe more, my heart faillles me.' The spectators roared in disbelief, as the butchered body of Monmouth lay, still alive, before them. Only the universal shouts and screams from the crowd and the furious order from the sheriffs caused him to pick up the axe and to swing it twice more. Even then he had finalyl to take a knife to sever the remaining sinews of Monmouth's neck. When he held up the disembodied head, 'there was no shouting but many cried'. The emotion of the onlookers was overwhelming: 'If there had not been a guard before the souldiers to conduct the executioner away, the people would have torn him to pieces, so great was their indignation at the barbarous usage of the late Duke of Monmouth.'

(I checked out the footnote sourcing this description, and Keay based it on a contemporary pamphlet ("An account of what passed at the Execution of the late Duke of Monmouth") as well as Luttrell, State Affairs, and State Trial transcriptions.)
Edited 2021-11-06 10:39 (UTC)
mildred_of_midgard: (Default)

Re: Absalom my nephew

[personal profile] mildred_of_midgard 2021-11-03 09:27 pm (UTC)(link)
Lol, so I was reading up on the battle of Fontenoy, partly in hopes that I would learn more about Maurice de Saxe. I learned a little, but still not enough to understand Voltaire's reference to him in the Doctor Akakia pamphlet!

But the one thing I got out of this book is that I've never seen anyone stan the Duke of Cumberland (who lost Fontenoy to Maurice de Saxe) so hard as the author. For the record, the reported severity of the retributions after the '45 was highly exaggerated ("the tale grew in the telling"), and anyway the Jacobites were at least as bad as the Hanoverians whenever they had a victory, and anyway the severity was necessary because "harsh times call for harsh measures," and anyway you shouldn't sympathize too much with the Jacobites because most of them probably didn't think the Stuarts were legitimate either, they were just ambitious with fortunes to make.

The author is the same guy who wrote the history of the War of the Spanish Succession, where at least he managed to be less one-sided, although I'm still mad at him for the lack of adequate maps. Anyone who writes military history without good maps gets a frowny face from me.

In other news, the one factoid I retained about Maurice de Saxe was that his early commander and tutor in warfare was General Schulenburg, brother of Melusine.

So just to spell out the links for [personal profile] cahn, George I's wife's murdered lover's sister's son was taught by George I's mistress's brother. Cause it's a small world.

George I -> Sophia Dorothea of Celle (wife) -> Philipp von Königsmarck (murdered lover) -> Aurora von Königsmarck (sister) -> Maurice de Saxe (illegimate son by August the Strong) -> Johann Matthias von Schulenburg (commander) -> Melusine von Schulenburg (sister) -> George I (lover).

Somewhere Horowski is smiling.

Btw, this is what August the Strong wrote to Schulenburg when first putting his 12-year-old son under his command:

Keep him on his toes and don't coddle him. Toughen him up. I want you to make him march on foot to Flanders … and don't let him pay other soldiers to do his guard duty for him unless he is seriously ill.

This is when he saw the battle of Malplaquet, the one we covered in some detail, that was the bloodiest battle of the century, a tactical victory for Marlborough and Eugene, and a strategic victory for the French. Malplaquet is where FW arguably learned that big battles should be avoided, because holy shit.

Fortunately, 12-yo Maurice de Saxe was with the baggage, not an active combatant, but it doesn't seem to have turned him off battle. :P
mildred_of_midgard: (Default)

Charles II and Sophia

[personal profile] mildred_of_midgard 2021-10-25 11:57 am (UTC)(link)
But then, if I have the timing right, this letter was at the start - getting upset etc. all happened later, when the prospect had become far more real.

Yep, that checks out.

is the one where young Sophie actually marries cousin Charles II while he's in exile

Incidentally, that was something else I meant to mention. Barbara Beuys' take, as summarized by you, was:

Charles (with fare more finesse, but this is what he meant): I need cash. You're an heiress. How about it, Cousin?
Sophie: Nope. You're nice to flirt with, but no more.
Charles: Okay, but can you at least take a public stroll or two with me? Because then my creditors will be believe we're a match and will prolong my credit.
Sophie:.... I suppose.


Whereas Hatton's take:

Charles did appear to pay court to Sophia; her pride, however, was deeply hurt when she discovered that his real objective, without the strings of marriage, was financial help from lord Craven whose fortune had long supported the Palatinate court in exile and who was particularly attached to Sophia.

Thoughts?
selenak: (Default)

Re: Charles II and Sophia

[personal profile] selenak 2021-11-03 03:02 pm (UTC)(link)
I completely forgot to answer this, sorry.

Anyway: My own assessment back then was based on Beuys' very brief summary. The whole thing is somewhat more detailed in Sophie's memoirs, which I read later. I had gotten wrong that it was getting the creditors off his back when it was about getting money from Lord Craven, BUT unless Hatton as another source than Sophia herself, there "her pride was deeply hurt" is completely personal speculation, plus she presents herself as sceptical of Charles' intentions from the start, and concluding that as nice as he was in person, he must be after the money from her mother's patron, something that then gets confirmed to her from other sources. The passage in the memoirs sounds amused. Could she have been faking amusement decades later (when writing) to hide hurt pride felt at the time? Sure. But, like I said: if Hatton's sole source for the entire episode are Sophie's memoirs, then she's making that speculation up.

(There is also a compare and contrast to how Sophie writes about the oldest Hannover brother, Georg Wilhelm, the one who after getting engaged to her first fobs her off to younger brother Ernst August, swears he won't marry (in writing) and later falls in love with SD the older's mother, producing SD the older. There, you do have a noticable element of pique (hence her including such details as the STD gained from a courtesan in Venice, the entire letter in which Georg Wilhem swears to remain single, and the fact that once she was married to Ernst August, he - Georg Wilhelm - suddenly pounced on her and tried to seduce her. Whereas she's very shoulder shrugging about the early Charles interlude.)
mildred_of_midgard: (Default)

Re: Charles II and Sophia

[personal profile] mildred_of_midgard 2021-11-03 10:13 pm (UTC)(link)
Thanks for the clarification! Hatton doesn't cite any sources for this claim; the chapter in general is based on the memoirs and the "many volumes of her printed correspondence." It could be speculation, or there could be a letter.

(hence her including such details as the STD gained from a courtesan in Venice

Oh, one thing Hatton says that does come from a letter is this:

Sophia's amour-propre had been damaged by Georg Wilhelm's rejection but she was given to understand--or convinced herself--that he had contracted syphilis in Venice and was now 'unfit for marriage'.7

7 For her later realization that Karl Ludwig had been told this of Georg Wilhelm to make him consent to the substitution of bridegrooms, see Sophia, Correspondence with her brother: to Karl Ludwig 8 April 1666.


I found the volume, and the quote reads:

Je ne sache aussi personne qui ait jamais doute de la vigueur de Georg Wilhelm ; ce qu'on vous a dit n'a este que pour vous faire consentir a mon mariage.

I also don't know anyone who ever doubted the vigor of Georg Wilhelm; what you have been told was only to make you consent to my marriage.
Edited 2021-11-03 22:33 (UTC)