Selena, I'm super mad at you, because I had plans for this morning, plans that were not this. :PPP
Elusive St Germain George the 3rd has gone insane Philosophes Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Duke of Marlborough Voltaire, Defoe, Declaration Mercantilism, guillotine Enlightened absolutism Balance of power
We did not start the fire It was always burning as the world was turning We did not start the fire No, we did not light it, but we tried to fight it
Adam Smith, pamphlet Antoinette without a head More and more things to read Voila! Encyclopédie Victory with Washington Richelieu, but not that one Rococo, phlogiston Gulliver and Life of Johnson
We did not start the fire It was always burning as the world was turning We did not start the fire No, we did not light it, but we tried to fight it
Lady Mary, Culloden Charles the 12th and Potemkin Colonies, slave trade Émilie du Châtelet Johnson, lexicon Joseph, August the Strong Personal union Diplomatic Revolution
Hussars horseback Johann Sebastian Bach Winkelmann, Gluck, and Kant Silesia, Prestonpans Grand Tour, Mozart Oglethorpe, Petersburg Louverture, Pompadour Battle of Malplaquet!
We did not start the fire It was always burning as the world was turning We did not start the fire No, we did not light it, but we tried to fight it
Sans Souci, Romanovs Alchemy, Menschikov Kaufmann, Benedict Spanish Bourbons, Frederick Leopold, Valley Forge Time for some inoculation Treatise by Montesquieu Again a Russian palace coup
Edinburgh, Vienna Stanislaus and Crimea Bastille stronghold Tsarevitch ain't growing old Potsdam, Petersburg Chesma: Turks and ships burn Watch out, memoirs lie Versailles, the Sun King dies!
We did not start the fire It was always burning as the world was turning We did not start the fire No, we did not light it, but we tried to fight it
Catherine, Robespierre French is spoken everywhere Dnieper, Peter Polish partitions Maria Theresia Struensee, Philadelphia Muskets, Russians Recruiting tall Prussians Satirists, famous wits Treaty of Passarowitz Black plague, go away What else do I dare to say?
We did not start the fire It was always burning as the world was turning We did not start the fire No, we did not light it, but we tried to fight it
Here he comes: Bonaparte Hapless Damiens torn apart Hochkirch, Yorktown World turned upside down Bleeding counts as medicine Orlovs oust a sovereign The last of the Medici British navy on the sea
Changing sides in Savoy Cumberland and Fontenoy Minden, Dresden Habsburgs, cameralists Everywhere we see reforms Once-great Poland is no more Curse all these succession wars I can't take it anymore!
We did not start the fire It was always burning as the world was turning We did not start the fire But when we are gone, it shall still burn on and on and on
We did not start the fire It was always burning as the world was turning We did not start the fire No we did not light it, but we tried to fight it
It needs work, but I need to stop for now. Suggestions welcome!
And yes, I have ideas for a Frederician one, but again, I have OTHER THINGS TO DO. :PPP
Re: We didn't start the fire, 18th century version
I applaude you and present my Prussian-centric version, penned when stuck in the train from Munich to elsewhere:
Frederick One, Prussia, Hannover and Russia Karl of Sweden, Gottfried Leibniz, Augustus the Strong William Three, Gian Gastone, Periwigs and song Saxony, Northern War, Poland and Lithuania Petersburg, Scorched Earth, Countess Cosel, Marriage Jam Händel, “Agrippina” and the “Messiah”, Marlborough, Prince Eugene, Stuarts end with Anne as Queen, Sun King old, War in Spain, Habsburgs out and goodbye We didn't start the fire It was always burning, since the world's been turning We didn't start the fire No, we didn't light it, but we tried to fight it
Frederick William, Grumbkow, Soldier King and Gundling George the First, Bubble bursts, Traders in shock Voltaire, shorter hair, the Ruspanti, Moltke France now has a Regency, Spain’s King is a Frog Farinelli, Castrato, Mary Wortley Montagu Moll Flanders, Liliput, Bach and sons, George Two Orzelska, Dresden, porcellain, Tabacco Crown Prince Fritz, Paris Wits, English Marriage Project We didn't start the fire It was always burning, since the world's been turning We didn't start the fire No, we didn't light it, but we tried to fight it
Zeithain, planned escape, Lieutenant Katte, what a scrape Küstrin, Fredersdorf, Russian noble marries dwarf, Ice Palace, Force Vive, Émilie du Chatelet Gay men killed in Netherlands, Poland still in Saxon hands Christian Wolff, Pöllnitz, Franklin prints and flies kits Female Heir in Austria, Pragmatic Sanction goes not far FW dead, dead Emperor: Fritz invades Silesia Algarotti, Newton’s lore, Austrian Succession War We didn't start the fire It was always burning, since the world's been turning We didn't start the fire No, we didn't light it, but we tried to fight it
Diderot, Gottsched, Biche the dog gets kidnapped Culloden, 45, Charlie fled but still alive “Letters from Peruvia”, Fritz has Voltaire-mania Lissabon, dead Chatelet, Barbarina runs away Young Sophie becomes Catherine, en route to Russia from Berlin Epic bust up Fritz/Voltaire - let’s see how they further fare! We didn't start the fire It was always burning, since the world's been turning We didn't start the fire No, we didn't light it, but we tried to fight it
Mozart children, travelling, invading Fritz is back again World War Zero, Menorca, Austria versus Prussia Kolin, Seydlitz, Rossbach, no one has the last laugh Court flees soon to Magdeburg, Miracle of Brandenburg “What is Enlightenment?”, Mendelssohn, Lessing and Wilhelm von Dohm France in debts, Scottish vets, English colonies dodge tax Slaves get dumped into the sea, Poland partitioned into three Rousseau fans call liberty, what’s that Guillontine I see?
We didn't start the fire It was always burning, since the world's been turning We didn't start the fire But when we are gone It will still burn on, and on, and on, and on, and on, and on, and on, and on We didn't start the fire It was always burning, since the world's been turning We didn't start the fire No, we didn't light it, but we tried to fight it We didn't start the fire It was always burning, since the world's been turning We didn't start the fire No, we didn't light it, but we tried to fight it We didn't start the fire It was always burning, since the world's been turning We didn't start the fire No, we didn't light it, but we tried to fight it
As I working diligently on the Peter Keith paper, some randomness.
* Is there any source other than Wilhelmine for "If my father had treated me the way you treated me, I would have run away"? I've seen variants like "I would have ended my life with a pistol shot" in secondary sources, but can't think of anywhere other than Wilhelmine for this claim.
* Me, typing the words "the man who'd arrested Katte and later become friends with Keith" and suddenly realizing what I was writing...
Me: "...Was that awkward at all, making friends with the guy who escaped when the guy you arrested was famously unjustly executed? Or just one of those things?"
* The story that Peter left Wesel because he was warned started early: von Johnn, the Danish ambassador, writes on the 19th of August 1730 that that's what everyone in Berlin learned on August 17, i.e., that was the very first version of the story to reach Berlin. No wonder it spread so widely. (Still can't believe Kloosterhuis fell for it, when he's the one who published the inventory of Peter's rooms on August 7, which makes it crystal clear that the chronology would be impossible. He also cites Koser pretty extensively, and Koser spells it out (the only person I've seen do so).)
(Cahn, if you're seeing this notification for the second time, apparently the first time I clicked on the wrong tab and left the comment in one of your personal posts! Which I have now deleted.)
Me: "...Was that awkward at all, making friends with the guy who escaped when the guy you arrested was famously unjustly executed? Or just one of those things?"
Ugh, I wonder if that was all filed under "working for FW was just One of Those Things." :P
You may recall that I didn't feel I had a good enough grasp on the subject of Pfeiffer's culpability in the matter of Kiekemal to publish on it, and so I started tracking down some documentary sources.
I have come to report that it is *immensely* more complicated than we realized, and it's a good thing I went to the sources.
So first we need a brief refresher on how the Kiekemal fiasco went down according to Emmi Wegfraß. As summarized by Selena (post in rheinsberg):
The commission in charge of investigating the entire affair delivered their report to Fritz on March 31st 1756, declaring that Pfeiffer was guilty, which results in Fritz ordering Pfeiffer's possessions were to be liquidated to compensate for the damage. She also quotes a cabinet order from June 4th 1756 by Fritz in which it says "Pfeiffer has executed the commission entrusted to him badly and derelict of duty and brought everything in great confusion". She then claims that Pfeiffer spent four years under arrest while the commission was investigating, then in 1758 when the "Berliner Kriminal Senat" sent a confirming judgment he got condemned to a further two years imprisonment, and then banished from Prussia.
In somewhat more detail:
- the mulberry trees and silk spinning houses which Pfeiffer was supposed to plant and build, respectively, haven't yet been done or finished
- on November 23rd, 1754, Colonel von Ingersleben (tea cup guy or a relation?) reports to the King that Pfeiffer has mishandled the situation and has personally enriched himself
- on November 25th, 1754, Pfeiffer gets arrested under this charge; a commission is supposed to investigate the actual state of things at Kiekemal
- On March 31st, 1756, the investigating commission sends its concluding report to Fritz. Now here Emmy Wegfraß writes: "Johann Pfeiffer must admit he has taken 8061 Reichstaler 3 Groschen from the King's money" - which I found confusing since the money for the original investment into Kiekemal hadn't come from the state, as she herself said, but presumably this refers to Pfeiffer taking that much salary and writing off expenses - and broken broken his oath not to buy any of the colonist's stuff (when his cousin bought lands next to the Müggelsee) .
Having sifted through the 2000 pages of the Berliner Kriminal Senat's judgment, this is what I've found:
1) Wegfraß is correct that Pfeiffer was arrested in 1754. I have the November 30, 1754 report to Fritz summarizing Pfeiffer's recent arrest, and I have read it and it does say that.
2) Wegfraß is correct that the original investigating commission sent its concluding report to Fritz and argued that Pfeiffer was guilty as hell.
3) Wegfraß is correct that Pfeiffer was still in prison 1758. The Kriminal Senat report, written in 1758, says he's been in prison for 4 years to date.
4) Wegfraß is correct that the Berliner Kriminal Senat found Pfeiffer guilty of 32 counts of negligence and embezzlement and recommended a sentence of 2 more years of prison, as well as removing him from his position, plus paying back the money they found him guilty of embezzling (either that, or demonstrate more successfully where the money went).
5) I haven't found anything about Pfeiffer being banished, but given the guilty verdict, Fritz may well have banished him from the country after the 2-year supplementary sentence was over. I don't have the document with the final sentence, and the Berliner Kriminal Senat does conclude that they leave the ultimate decision to Fritz.
6) Where what I found diverges from what Wegfraß says is that none of the 32 counts Pfeiffer's found guilty of have anything to do with Kiekemal.
Some background on the Berliner Kriminal Senat report: It's 2000 pages long because it contains a lot of charges. The original investigation by the commission, led by a Vice Director Fiedler, who appears to have it out for Pfeiffer, went over every colony Pfeiffer was responsible for with a fine-toothed comb, and nitpicked every detail to death. The original commission report covered hundreds of "Why did you do this?" "Why did you do that?" questions. Then Pfeiffer wrote a defense responding to these questions, which I assume was also very long. Then the poor members of the Kriminal Senat had to go over both documents line by line in a compare-and-contrast contrast, and write up their own judgment on each individual point.
As a side note, the Kriminal Senat did the kind of really good job of citing their sources that you'd expect from a legal document: if I got my hands on Fiedler's and Pfeiffer's respective documents, I think I could track everything down. (Don't worry, I don't plan to.)
And if you read the 2000 pages by the Kriminal Senat, most of it consists of them taking each individual claim and saying, "Pfeiffer's defense on this one is convincing to us." Or, "Fiedler didn't provide enough evidence for us to decide either way." Or, "Pfeiffer messed up, yeah, but in a way that looks like an honest mistake." RARELY, "Pfeiffer is guilty."
At the very end, what you find is that while he gets exonerated of most of the accusations, there are enough left where he appears guilty of malfeasance or negligence that he gets a guilty verdict overall. The Kriminal Senat says they can't account for about 19,000 talers that he's either going to have to prove where it went or else pay it back, and they ultimately recommend 2 more years of imprisonment (saying that the 4 years he's already suffered mitigates their desire to punish him more).
But none of the charges listed at the end for which he's found guilty mention Kiekemal. This is because, in the passage in the main text where Kiekemal's discussed specifically, the Kriminal Senat actually exonerated him on the Kiekemal-related charges! Here's the passage in question:
It is noted in the Acts that Colonel von Drachenberg took over the Kieckemahl establishment on the desolate Mahlsdorff field from the Köpenick magistrate on the basis of inheritance and interest, and committed himself to the construction of a silk-making house for three colonists, for which he was given free building wood free of charge. Not less than some time later, according to a contract concluded with the Chamber on October 19, 1752, in return for free building wood and other benefits, he committed himself to employing six foreign spinning families within the next two years, but the Commission did not find any of these during the on-site inspection, nor a silk-making house or a mulberry plantation, which the Commission also requested.
Now because the Commission took into consideration that Pfeiffer had been entrusted by Your Royal Majesty with the revision of the placement of the colonists, it confronted him in Question 44 about the deficiencies mentioned.
Pfeiffer's excuses are that, first of all, Your Royal Majesty had not ordered him to report on the placement of the colonists taken over by the entrepreneurs of the establishments; nevertheless, in the spring of 1754 he had the Kieckemahl establishment inspected by the Commissary Ockel, and when he saw from his report the lack of the families to be placed, in the erroneous opinion that the entrepreneur had not been given a specific deadline, he indicated to him that the colony would have to be complete in the spring of 1755, or that he would report this to Your Royal Majesty.
Since the commission has not made any inquiries about this supposedly happened, has not made any statements, nor has it been given to Pfeiffer to confirm it, and Pfeiffer could not be held to be at fault if he had either granted the specified deadline or postponed the inspection of the establishments by a few months beyond the specified time due to his overload of business, as the latter would be his fault if the information he has mentioned was not correct, we do not believe that he can be accused of negligence contrary to his duty.
Pfeiffer also stated that he did not know how the entrepreneur in Kieckemahl had engaged in silk production, and that he had never read what had been written about it at the Chamber. However, silk production could also be carried out without the establishment of a mulberry plantation, since the leaves could be purchased elsewhere, and in any case the supervision of the mulberry plantations was never committed to him, but rather they belonged to the department of the Chamber Director von Schmettau.
This last circumstance has never been contradicted, although we believe that it fully justifies Pfeiffer, since it appears that the entrepreneur took over the silk factory in Kieckemahl purely on his own initiative, or without regard to the contract concluded with the magistrate in Köpenick, and consequently it cannot be counted as a condition of the establishment, the fulfillment of which Pfeiffer had to ensure in his capacity as establishment commissioner.
In Streitberg, however, Pfeiffer, in response to question 281, could not deny such negligence or carelessness, but when it was pointed out to him that neither the number of colonists there was complete, nor was a single one of the colonists appointed a spinner or weaver, in accordance with the commitment, although the establishment should have been completed by the end of January 1754, he believed that he had forgotten to revisit this establishment, especially since other entrepreneurs, like the one in Streitberg, had been given a two-year period for establishing the colonies, not a one-year period.
But this very forgetfulness contains a carelessness and negligence, although if it were the only thing that could be rightly accused of Pfeiffer, it would easily be forgiven in view of the variety and size of his official duties.
Now, looking closely at Wegfraß's language, she never actually (afaict) says that the Kriminal Senat found Pfeiffer guilty in the matter of Kiekemal; she says only that he was found guilty on 32 counts. Which he was...but the whole thrust of her presentation leads you to believe he was found guilty of the Kiekemal-related charges she's been complaining about for the last 20 pages in a book on Kiekemal! I wouldn't be surprised if she thought the Senat was too soft on Pfeiffer, and that anyone who would commit 32 counts of embezzlement and negligence was obviously at fault in Kiekemal too.
But what the Senat actually says is that they agree with Pfeiffer that the Kiekemal entrepreneur was at fault. They seem to be acting like this entrepreneur is Trachenberg, but my understanding from Wegfraß plus the catalog of the Brandenburg archives is that there was a lot of changing of hands between Trachenberg, Fredersdorf, and Frau von Marschall. Frau von Marschall is supposed to have gotten the land in March/June (it's complicated) 1753 from Fredersdorf, who got it from Colonel Trachenberg in July 1752. So if Pfeiffer was conducting an investigation in 1754, you'd think it would be Frau von Marschall who the Kriminal Senat thinks is responsible, but it could have been Colonel Trachenberg, or even Fredersdorf. (The Kriminal Senat document is not really good about naming entrepreneurs.) At any rate, it's not Pfeiffer.
So! Who knew Pfeiffer would be found both guilty and innocent of what Wegfraß claims?
Now, because we're here in our capacity as the Justice for Fredersdorf Society, there's *another* interesting development else where in the document, regarding the colony of Kehlickendorf:
c) Near Kehlickendorf: Here, the timber estimate includes a residential and brewery house for the entrepreneur, as well as a windmill, a plank fence around the entrepreneur's garden, and four wells of timber, although the commission only found two wells and no plank wood, and the entrepreneur does not intend to build a residential and brewery house or a windmill in Kehlickendorf because of his neighboring Zernickow estate.
Now Pfeiffer has assured in Responso ad quaestionem 36 that the entrepreneur had stated several times that he wanted to build a house for himself in Kehlickendorf and that he had not made the above-mentioned wood estimate himself. However, he has also admitted that he had suspected that he would not build his own mill and brewery in Kehlickendorf and that he had sent the wood estimate to the entrepreneur as he had received it from Commissario Meschner, without reminding him of this suspicion or letting the Chamber know. As a result, because, as the commissioners have pointed out to Meschker, without notification of the combination of the Kehlickendorf business with the Zernickow business, the Construction Department could not have known that a separate house, a mill and a brewery in Kehlickendorf was not necessary, it happened that a rather considerable quantity of lumber has been unnecessarily agreed the local Entrepreneur.
As evident as this appears to be an undue advantage for the entrepreneur to the detriment of the royal interest, a well-founded concern should arise from the following consideration, which Pfeiffer is undoubtedly aiming at, namely that an entrepreneur cannot be credited with the special advantages arising from accidental circumstances, for example if he already owns a property from which he can use the company without having to incur the costs necessary for another entrepreneur, because on the one hand, Your Royal Majesty will not lose anything that has not already been earmarked for the establishment by the generaliter beneficia promised to him, and on the other hand, if the entrepreneur's special circumstances should be taken into account, the entrepreneur would actually be worse off than anyone else, either because he would lose the titulo oneroso could not fully enjoy the rights accorded to him, or would be compelled to permanently incorporate the company into his property.
At least we do not think that it would have been an unfair and unacceptable condition if the entrepreneur, in the event that he should find it advantageous to separate the company from his property, had requested the free building timber for the dwelling, mill and brewery at Kehckendorf, since these buildings, considered in and of themselves, are necessary for an entrepreneur, and if he sells the company without them, he always loses as much in the purchase price as the building timber, and consequently suffers a loss that would not have affected him if he had not had the convenience of being able to use the company from another property.
We therefore believe that Pfeiffer cannot be accused of anything here without violating fairness, but that he rather allowed the timber estimate to pass for as many buildings as the business at the Kehlickendorf establishment required without taking into account all the changing ancillary circumstances, and could not have worried whether the entrepreneur would actually erect these buildings for the time being or whether the company would use another property, especially since the Chamber knew without a doubt from the conditions protocol submitted in the year the favorable location of the Kehlickendorf establishment with the entrepreneur's Zernickow estate, and could assume that the entrepreneur would probably not be able to erect the buildings allocated for him for the time being, and nevertheless did not seem necessary to make further enquiries in this regard before the timber allocation was made.
But Pfeiffer is least of all concerned if the entrepreneur has not fully completed the work for which he was asked to provide lumber, since Pfeiffer could not have foreseen and prevented this incident.
Now, I wondered at first if the unnamed entrepreneur with a neighboring estate at Zernikow might be Johann Friedrich Kosack, because the Brandenburg archive catalogue say Fredersdorf leased Zernikow to him in 1753, but no, the same catalogue says "Erbzinskontrakt vom 17. Dez. 1753 mit dem Kämmerer Fredersdorf über die wüste Feldmark Kelickendorf." So it seems that if anyone is trying to efficiently combine the constructions of Kehlickendorf and neighboring Zernickow, it's Fredersdorf (and, at this date, Caroline Maria Daum, who marries him sometime between Dec 20 and Dec 30).
And it does sound to me like, while the Kriminal Senat is exonerating Pfeiffer, they're willing to entertain the idea that the entrepreneur (i.e., Fredersdorf) is at fault for not doing what he said he would do, but also to entertain Pfeiffer's defense that it's reasonable for the entrepreneur to do what he did. And since Fredersdorf's not on trial, this section ends here, and we move on to another colony.
selenak: don't worry, I'm *not* asking you to translate this. I'd just like you to glance over it and confirm my impression that it doesn't mention anything that looks like it's related to Kiekemal or Fredersdorf. And if anything I said in my write-up is an incorrect interpretation of this, please let me know.
The transcription is imperfect, as it was carried out by Transkribus and only partially cleaned up (and modernized) by me; plus the lines on the left-hand pages run over into the inside margins of the book in such a way that a few letters per line didn't make it into the scans the archives sent me, and Transkribus can only transcribe what it sees (and I'm not fluent enough to guarantee that what I supplied is grammatically correct in all cases). But it should be pretty readable overall. You know, apart from the fact that it's in 18th century German legalese and therefore completely UNreadable. :P (This is actually some of the easier stuff...some of the sentences in those 2000 pages go on longer than should be humanly possible!)
Part 1 because of DW character limits:
Nunmehr lässt sich ohne Mühe einsehen, ob der Pfeiffer mit Grunde bezüchtiget werden könne, die zum Baue derer Spinner-Dörfer Friedrichshagen, Gosen, und Marienwerder aus der Etablissements-Casse erhobenen Gelder a 19034 Reichstaler 12 Groschen 6 Denarii zu seienem eigenen Besten gemißbrauchet, oder, wie er es nennt, sich an solchen Königlichen Geldern vergriffen habe.
Der Pfeiffer will solches durchaus nicht an sich kommen lassen, vielmehr glaubend machen, dass der, durch die Hildebrandsche Revision eruirte Defect aus dem Verluste, welchen er bei denen, in Administration übernommenen, ihm aber hiernächst in Entreprise aufgedrungenen Bauten gelitten habe, auch aus dem in Pferden, Utensilien, und Getreide steckendem Kapitale, nicht weinger aus denen defectirten Espions- und Transport-Kosten sich originire.
Wenn man die erwähnten Espions- und Transport-Kosten um derer, oben angeführten Gründe willen weglässt, so bleibt, selbst nach der Pfeifferschen Rechnung, ein Defect von 4381 Reichstaler 11 Groschen 4 Denarii übrig, und zur Ablehnung des Verdachts einer unerlaubten Verwendung solcher Gelder, ganz, oder zum Teil, ware nötig gewesen, dass der Pfeiffer nachgewiesen hätte, wie ein so großes Kapital zur Anschaffung, und Unterhaltung des, zu denen erwähnten Bauten gehaltenen Führwerks wirklich sei verwendet worden, woran es aber ermanglet.
Eben um deswillen, und weil nicht zu glauben stehet, dass der Unterscheid zwischen denen Kosten einer Administration, und der Summewelche dem Pfeiffer, zu Folge des Hildebrandschen Gutachtens, passiret, viele Tausend Thäler betragen könne, getrauen wir aus nicht, den Pfeiffer von dem Vorwurfe dass er einen Teil derer Königlichen Gelder quaestionis zu seinen eigenen Nutzen mit gebrauchet habe, freizusprechen, um so weniger, je weniger wir nachgewiesen finden, dass der Pfeiffer denenenigen, welchen die Auszahlung bei denen Bauten derer oftgedachten Spinner-Dörfer anvertrauet gewesen ist, aus seinen eigenen Mitteln so viel gezahlet habe, als die Verbesserungen in dem Friedrichshagenschen Schultzen-Gerichte, und des Pfeiffer Eigentume betragen.
Solchemnach lieget, und bleibet Vermöge unsers vorstehenden alleruntertänigsten Vortrags, dem Pfeiffer wirklich zur Schuld:
1. Dass er dem Entreprenneur zu Maulberwalde die, dem Etablissement Eichenfelde, auf dessen Conditiones das Etablissement Maulbeerwalde ist erbeten, und concediret worden, nicht beigelegten Ober-Gerichte, und dem Entreprenneur zu Wahlendorff die, von demselben in dem Engagements-Protocollo nicht ausbedungene Jagd auf einer Koppel verschrieben,
2. Dass er in denen, zur Kammer eingesendeten Bau-Holtz-Anschlägen von denen Etablissements Dagow, und Burow die Unrichtigkeit, dass in dem einen zu einen Kolonisten-Hause, und in dem andere zu zwei Häusern von zwei Wohnungen über die Gebühr Bau-Holtz ist gerechnet worden, aus Unachtsamkeit übersehen, wiewohl Acta, besagen, dass der Entreprenneur von Burow mehr, als zwei Häuser über den Etablissements-Plan aufgeführet, und noch einen Nachschuß von Holtze zu erhalten Hofnung habe, mithin das erwähnte Versehen in Ansehung dieses Etablissements ganz, und gar nicht von einer schädlichen Folge gewesen ist.
3. Dass er von denen, zum Bau derer Spinner-Dörfer Friedrichshagen, Gosen, und Marienwerder Allergnädigst accordirten, und aus der Etablissements Casse nach, und nach erhobenen Geldern 4387 Reichstaler 11 Groschen 4 Denarii dazu verwendet zu sein nicht hat nachweisen können, und er daher solche Summe zwar nicht zu unterschlagen gemeinet gewesen ist, doch unterdessen, bis die Notdurft bei dem gedachten Baue deren Erstattung erheischet haben mochte, zu seinen eigenen Privat-Nutzen gebrauchet hat,
4. Dass er von denen, zum Behuf derer Spinner-Dörfer, aus unentgeltlich überlassenen Holtze gebrandten Steinen für denjenigen Preiß, für welchen sie zu denen gedachten Dörfern sind geliefert worden, 13000 Stück zu seinem eigenen Baue indem, so genannten Süßen Grunde, und 12000 bis 14000 Stück zu dem Friedrichshagenschen Schultzen-Gerichte verbrauchet, desgleichen, ohne Vorwissender Kammer, eine Quantitaet an dem Entreprenneur auf dem Erckner zu überlassen befohlen, nicht minder ein Quartal der Pacht von Hartmannsdorff, ungeachtet er solches bis zur Auffindung eines Entreprenneurs zu seinem eigenen, und des gewesenen Krieges-Rats Lietz mann Nutzen hat administriren wollen, dennoch Vorschuß-Weise aus der Etablissements-Casse assigniret,
5. Dass er den Rest derer Schadoschen Inventarien-Gelder a 15 Reichstaler 4 Groschen 4 Denarii nicht abgeliefert, noch denen dasigen Kolonisten von eben solchen Inventarien-Geldern, den erwähnten Rest nicht mit gerechnet, die Bezalung des Besatz-Schweines eher denn bei der jetzigen Untersuchung geleistet,
6. Dass er, um Stroh, und Lehm zu ersparen, zum Dach-decken des, bei dem Friedrichshagenschen Schultzen-Gerichte aufgeführten Cagelöhnershauses Splitt, und zur Ausschürtzung derer Wände des Krug-Stalles Holtz aus der Königlichen Forst genommen, nicht minder seinen Acker beider, so genannten Bockschen Ziegelei auf Kosten der Königlichen Heide umzäumen lasen, sonst auch so wohl zu Friedrichshagen, als auch zu Sachsenhausen zur Menagirung des Holtzes bei denen nötigen Zäunen die erforderlichen Veranstaltungen nicht gemacht,
7. Dass er dem Entreprenneur zu Maulberwalde Statt 14 Zwei-Hüfner, worauf selbiges Anfangs eingerichtet worden, und nach Proportion derer zu Eichenfelde angesetzten Kolonisten billeg einzurichten gewesen ist, 8 drei-Hüfner, und 6 Büdner anzusetzen verstattet,
8. Dass er dem von Grevenitz dem Jüngern, auf Ansuchen dessen Vaters, des gewesenen Land-Rats vonGrevenitz die, eventualiter selbst anerkannte, und zu erfüllen erbötig gewesene Schuldigkeit, auf der, von denen Barons von Putlitz käuflich an sich gebrachten Feldmark Silmersdorff einige Bauer zu etabliren, aus bloßer Gunst erlassen, auch dem Entreprenneur von Freienbrinck vor Regulirung der Conditionen des Etablissements die Anmassung desselben, wenigstens connivendo, gestattet,
9. Dass er dem Entreprenneur zu Johannisthal die übernommene Obliegenheit, Familien, welche hauptsächlich von der Gärtnerei, und Kuh-Melckerei Profession machen sollten, anzusetzen dahin, dass die anzusetzenden Familien kleine Wirte sein könnten, die sich unter andern auch mit dem Garten-Bau, und der Vieh-Zucht beschäftigen, in der Erb-Verschreibung gemildert,
10. Dass er die in Neu-Lübbenau ihm in Stand zu bringen, und demnächst, gegen Erstattung seines Vorschußes an andere zu überlassen Allerhöchst accordirten beiden Gärtnereien in eine eintzige zusammengezogen, und solche einem Einländer ohne denselben, dem Plane des Etablissements, und der erwähnten Allerhöchsten Concession gemaß, zur dereinstigen Abtretung an ausländische Gärtners zu verbinden, überlassen,
11. Dass er zu Philippsthal, und Freienthal, zum Teil auch zu Sachsenhausen die angesetzten Spinner nicht so geschwind, als es hätte geschehen können, und geschehen sollen, mit SpinnRädern versehen lassen;
12. Dass er wegen des Gewichts, und Preises des, in dem Kruge zu Friedrichshagen verkauften Brots nichts festgesetzet, vielmehr durch die dem dasigen Krüger auferlegte Notwendigkeit, alles Getreide nur allein von ihm zu nehmen, wie es scheint, mehr seinen eigenen Vorteil, als die wohlfeile Sustentation derer Spinner beabsichtet;
13. Dass er das Etablissement Streitberg, welches Ausgangs Januari 1754 hat im Stande sein sollen, zu revidiren unterlassen, und dadurch, dass die Kolonie weder vollzählig, noch gehörig qualificiret von der Commission ist befunden worden, verursachet,
14. Dass er bei dem Etablissement Seilershoff um die Nachrichten wegen der Hütung in der Wento-Heide sich nicht bekümmert, und daher dem erwähnten Etablissement die Hütung in der ganzen Wento-Heide, in welcher einige Dorfschaften gewisse an; sehnliche Hütungs-Districte bereits gehabehaben, verschrieben,
15. Dass er auf das Wort des gewesenen Land-Rats von Graevenitz, und des von Rohr zu Gershagen die, dem Flecken Meienburg auf der wüsten Feldmark Warnsdorff zuständige Hütungs-Gerechtigkeit für wenig bedentend, und bisher nicht exerciret angenommen, und aus solchem Grunde die Cessirung derselben, ohne die Sache mit dem Flecken Meienburg ordentlich abzumachen, dem Entreprenneur von Warnsdorff versichert,
16. Dass er dem Schloß-Hauptmann, Grafen von Kamecke, die, dem Adel in der Priegnitz Allerhöchst concedirte, und durchgängig verstattete Freiheit, die Anzahl derer anzusetzenden Familien selbst zu bestimmen, eingeschränkt, oder vielmehr nicht gelassen,
17. Dass er dem Entreprenneur zu Repente ohne einer erheblichen Ursache, und, wie es scheienet, aus einer Art von Rache wegender, unmittelbar bei Euer Königliche Majestät geschehenen Erbittung des gemeldeten Etablissements, die, nach der Regel, allen Entreprenneurs zugewendeten Beneficia verwengert, und schwehr gemacht,
18. Dass er in einem alleruntertänigsten Immediat-Berichte von der darum angegebenen Zahl derer bereits wirklich angezogenen, und etablirten Familien in der Priegnitz, dass er solche bei der angestellten Revision richtig befunden habe, wieder die Wahrheit vorgegeben,
19. Dass er in einem andern dergleichen Berichte vom 17ten Dezember 1753, und der beigefügten Tabelle die Zahl derer in der Priegnitz respective angesetzten, und noch anzusetzenden Kolonisten bei denen Bauern viel zu hoch, und bei denen Büdnern viel zu gering angegeben,
20. Dass er in einem bereits vollzogen gewesenen Transacte ohne Vorwissen der Kammer etwas, welches jedoch in dem Behandlungs-Protocollo schon enthalten, und allerVermutung nach, entweder aus einem Versehen, oder als etwas, das sich von selbst verstünde, und daher einer besondern Erwähnung nicht bedürfe, dem Transacte nicht miteingeflossen ist, nachmahls einschalten lassen,
21. Dass er eine ihm von der Kammer, in einer ihm vornehmlich angehaenden, der Kammer aber damals nach dieser Beschaffenheit nicht bekannt gewesene Sache, wegen der Köpenickschen Maul-BeerPlantage aufgetragene Commission übernommen, und, wiewohl durch gangig ganz unparteiisch, berichtet, dass er, jedoch, wie es scheenet, ohne einer gefährlichen Absicht, unter fremden Nahmen das Schultzen-Gericht in Friedrichshagen, und das Etablissement Marienthal übernommen, auch das Vorwerk Hartmannsdorff bis zur Auffindung eines annehmlichen Entreprenneurs, und nachmahls, als sich ein En treprenneur gefunden, durch denselben, bis er die Land-Wirtschaft erlernet haben, würde, auf seine eigene, und des cassirten Krieges-Rats Lietzmann Rechnung administriren lassen, auch einen Negotiorum Gestorem solchen Entreprenneurs bei der Behandlung derer Conditionen des Etablissements vorgestellet, dass er den Conducteur Reiche zu einem Atteste des nachfolgenden unwahren Inhalts, als wären gewisse Auszahlungen wegen einer Arbeit am Gosenschen Damme in seiner Gegenwart geschehen, zum Behufder, von dieser Arbeit abzulegenden Rechnung vermocht, dass er ohne Vörwissen, und Willen der Kammer denen Kolonisten zu Neu-Lubbenau das Holtz auf dem Rode-Flecke zur Erbauung derer nötigen Scheunen, und Ställe überlassen,
25. Dass er ohne vorhrgesuchter, und erhaltener Approbation der Kammer, mithin zu voreilig, und wieder die Ordnung, einigen Leuten etwas Land zumessen, und einzäunen lassen, dass er auf gleiche Art die dem Schultzen zu Marienwerder beigelegte Entreprise eingerichtet; und übergeben, dass er ohne Vorwissen, und Einwilligung respecte der Kammer, und des Consistorii Förster- und Pfarr-Dienst-Pertinentien bei einigen Etablissements vertauschet, dass er nicht überall bei dem Ausstechen der Ausmessung, und der Grenz-Regulirung die Forst-Bediente, und Beamte zugezogen,
29. Dass er das zu dem Bau derer Spinner-Dörfer Friedrichshagen, und Gosen verbrauchte Holtz nicht ordentlich durch die Förster anschlagen lassen 30 dass er zu der richtigen Verwendung des, für die Spinner erbetenen, und Allerhöchst accordirten Magazin-Getreides die beste Anstalt nicht gemacht, sondern solches zum Teil mit seinen eigenen Getreide vermenget,
31. Dass er zum Behuf der Brauerei in Marienthal zwei Winspel Maltz, weil er dergleichen in Euer Königliche Majestät Landen dasiger Gegend nicht bekommen können, aus denm Blecklenburgschen kommen lassen; und
32. Dass er in Absicht auf das, ihm allerhöchst anvertraute Etablissements-Wesen, und in Beziehung auf dasselbe a) von dem Entreprenneur zu Hermsdorf junge Wein-Stöcke, und junge Pflaumen-Bäume, b) von dem Förster Schlick 50 Reichstaler c) von dem Schultzen zu Bantzendorff 50 Reichstaler, und d) von dem gewesenen Land-Rate von Graevenitz, jedoch, so viel constiret, aus einem erst nach der Zeit der erlassenen Ansetzung einiger Bauern auf Silmersdorf geschehenen Versprechen, ein Jaar Kutsch-Pferde, als ein Geschenk angenommen hat.
And part 2, with humble thanks from Royal Detective to Royal Reader:
Wenn nun gleich die mehresten dieser Vergehungen, in billiger Erwegung derer, in unserm vorstehenden alleruntertänigsten Vortrage dabei angemerkten Umstände, als fehler der Einsicht, oder Nachlässigkeiten, und Unbesonnenheiten, die, so viel constiret, keine sonderlich schädliche Folgen gehabe haben, mit einem Verweise sattsam verbüßet sein möchten; So verhält es sich doch mit denen Begünstigungen sub Nummers 3, 8, 9, 16, 17, 19, 22, 23, et 32, und vornehmlich denen sub No 3 et 32 offenbar anders, indem bei denenselben eine wissentliche Hndansetzung der teuer geleisteten Pflicht unläugbar zu Tage lieget, ungeachtet in der Bestimmung der Strafe darauf, dass einesteils eine, durch die Begünstigungen sub Nummers 16, 17, 19, 22, 23, et 32, angerichtete Verkürtzung des höchsten Königlichen Interesse nicht ist ausgemittelt worden, andern teils aber der Pfeiffer einen beinahe Vier-Järigen Arrest bereits erlitten hat, billig gesehen werden muss; Und da er sind wir der allerunterthöugsten Rechtlichen Memung.
Dass der Krieges-Rat Johann Friedrich Pfeiffer seines dienstes, als Krieges- und DomainenRat, zu entsetzen, daneben ihm der bisherige fast Vier-Jährrige Arrest zur Strafe zu rechnen, und er außerdem annoch mit enen Zwei-Jährigen Vestungs-Arreste zu bestrafen, nicht minder derselbe schuldig, die von dem Förster Schlick, und dem Schultzen zu Bantzendorff zum Geschenke empfangenen Gelder mit Einhumdert Reichstaler, desgleichen die von dem Entreprenneur zu Hermsdorff, und dem gewesenen Land-Rate von Graevenitz geschenkten Jungen Wein-Stöcke, und Pflaumen-Bäumrauch Zwei Kutsch-Pferde, nach ihrem allenfalls eidlich zu manifestiren den Werte dem Fisco heraus zugeben; diesemnächst, bei der Aufhebung derer Erb-Verschreibungen über das Friedrichshagensche Schultzen-ericht, und das Etablissement, Marienthal es zu lassen, und, so viel den, der EtablissementsCasse zu ersetzenden Defect, und die deshalb angelegte Berechnung betrifft,
I. Bei der Einnahme
Ad Nummer 4 die von der Commission dem Pfeiffer unter dem Nahmen des, zu dem Friedrichshagenschen Schultzen-Gerichte übermäßig genommenen Holtzes gerechneten 557 Reichstaler zu streichen, mithin die Einnahme, oder das von dem Pfeiffer gehörig nachzuweisende, oder zu erstattende Quantum überhaupt auf 19975 Reichstaler 8 Groschen 6 Denarii festzusetzen.
II. Bei der Ausgabe
a) von Friedrichshagen,
ad Nummer 1 Lit a et b ingleichen ad Nummer 3, Lit a, d, e, h, et K, wegen des Strohes, und Rohres, auch derer Mauer-Steine, ungleichen wegen des Fuhr-Lohns des Bau-Holtzes, derer Latt-Stamme, des rindschäligen Holtzes, des Strohes, und derer Mauer-Steine, nicht minder bei der Ausgabe
b) von Gosen,
ad Nummer 3 Lit a, e, f, et i, betreffend das Fuhr-Lohn des Bau-Holtzes, des rindschäligen Holtzes, derer Dach-Spone, und derer Mauer-Steine, schlechterdings die Hildebrandsche Revision zum Grunde zu legen, und Vermöge derselben die beregten Kosten mit 1396 Reichstaler 1 Groschen 6 Denarii 336 Reichstaler 14 Groschen 516 Reichstaler 9 Groschen 191 Reichstaler 6 Groschen 46 Reichstaler 18 Groschen 181 Reichstaler 16 Groschen und 84 Reichstaler 3 Groschen 6 Denarii 506 Reichstaler Groschen 118 Reichstaler 8 Groschen 225 Reichstaler, und 46 Reichstaler 16 Groschen zu passiren, mithin an beiden Orten nach der Pfeifferschen Rechnung, nämlich bei Friedrichshagen auf 7525 Reichstaler 12 Groschen 10 Denarii und bei Gosen auf 4372 Reichstaler 1 Groschen die Ausgabe weiter festzusetzen;
c) bei der fernern Ausgabe ad No 5 wegen derer so genannten Espions- und Transport-Kosten dem Pfeiffer die Beibringung favorabler Allerhöchster Könglichen Ordres freizulassen, und
d) in Ansehung derer zur Compensation, und Zalung angewiesenen Vosten, ad Nummer 1 der Pfeiffer mit dem LaufPretio derer 2550 Reichstaler und dem Capitale von dem Zinse, womit sein Eigentum, exclusive der Mühle ist beschweret worden, bis 4 pro Cent Statt derer so genannten Friedrichshagenschen Meliorationen zufrieden zu sein schuldig, und selbige nach der aufgenommenen Taxe erstattet zu verlangen nicht befugt, Ad Nummer 6 demselben die auf 577 Reichstaler hoch angegebene, und ad Depositum genommene Besoldung, und ad Nummer 7 gleichergestalt die auf 127 Reichstaler liquidirten rückständigen Diaeten, falls er sich zu denen letztern gebührend, und gehörigen Orts legitimiret, auszuzahlen, oder zu gute zu rechnen.
ad Nummer 8 demselben das von der Hartmannsdorfschen Administration ihm zu vergütigende Quantum von der Cassen-Schuld abzuziehen, und ad Nummer 9 wegen des Etablissements Marienthal, wen voher zu mehrern Sicherheit der Administrator Mund die abgelegte Rechnung in Einmahme und Ausgabe, und der Pfeiffer sein Anführen, dass er dem Mund zu der Marientalschen Wirtschafft 3485 Reichstaler 10 Groschen 9 Denarii wirklich bar hergegeben, desgleichen die vier, von Friedrichshagen geschickten Pferde lediglich zu solcher Wirtschaft gebrauchet worden, eidlich bestärcket haben werden, dem Pfeiffer gegen Ablieferung derer sämtlichen in der Ausgabe angerechneten Inventarien-Stücke, in so fern solche nicht in der Marienthalschen Wirtschaft consumiret worden, oder des daraus gelöseten Geldes, falls selbige noch nicht geschehen sein möchte, die desfals angewendeten Kosten nach der eingereichten Administrati ons-Rechnung mit drei Tausend Vierhundert Ein und Zwantzig Reichstaler 19 Groschen 9 Denarii zu erstätten, oder abzurechnen, hierneben dem Pfeiffer wegen des vermeintlich unrechtmäßigen Verkaufs seines Weinbergs bei Köpenick, fälls er damit auszukommen sich getrauet, wieder diejemgen, die er deshalb responsable zu sein glaubt, so wie dem Fisco wegen der angeblichen Verkürtzung des höchsten Königlichen Interesse bei denen auf Entreprise ausgetanen Bauten derer Spinner-Dörfer, im Fall er Grund dazu zu haben vermeinen möchte, wieder den Pfeiffer, und wegen der bei Blaulbeerwalde sich findenden Ubermaße wieder den jetzigen Besitzer, und Entreprenneur quaevis Competentia in separato, et Foro Ordinario vorzubehalten, indessen der Pfeiffer sich nicht entbrechen könne, Zwei Drittel derer sämtlichen nötigen und mützlichen Untersuchungs-osten, wenn solche vorher liquidiret, und ordentlich festgesetzet sein werden, desgleichen allen die Gebühren dieses Gutachtens, a Ein hundert Reichstaler, letztere an die hiesige Kammer-Gerichts-PportulnCasse, unter Adresse des Secretarii und Registratoris Sproegel zu entrichten.
Von Rechts Wegen.
Überlassen jedennoch alles dieses lediglich Euer Königlichen Majestaet allerhöchsten Ermessen, und ersterben in tiefster Erniedrigung
And, one final request for a native-speaker sanity check: am I on the right track re what they're saying about Pfeiffer being off the hook for the problems at Kiekemal?
Von dem Etablissement Kieckemahl ist in Acta angemerkt, dass der Obriste von Trachenberg solches auf der wüsten Feld-marck Mahlsdorff von dem Magistrate zu Köpenick Erben-Zinß-Weise übernommen, und sich zum Anbau dreier Kolonister auch eines Seiden-Bau-Hauses, wozu ihm das freie Bau-Holtz unentgeltlich ist accordiret worden, verbindlich gemacht, nicht minder einige Zeit nachhero Laut eines mit der Cammer unterm 19ten Oktober 1752 geschlossenen Kontracts, gegen freies Bau-Holtz und andere Vorteile sich engagiret habe, binnen denen nächsten zwei Jahren sechs ausländische SpinnerFamillen anzusetzen, die aber Commissio bei der Local-Besichtigung so wenig, als wenig ein Seiden-BauHaus, und eine Maulber-Plantage, welche Commissio ebenfalls verlangt, angetroffen hat.
Weil nun Commissio in Erwegung genommen, dass dem Pfeiffer die Revision über die Ansetzung derer Colonisten von Euer Königliche Majestät sei anvertrauet worden; So hat Sie denselben in Quaestione 44 über die berührten Mängel zur Rede gestellet.
Des Pfeiffer Entschuldigungen gehen dahin zuförderst sei ihm von Euer Königliche Majestät nicht anbefohlen gewesen, dass er für die von denen Entreprenneurs derer Etablissements übernommene Ansetzung derer Colonisten repondiren sollte; dem ungeachtet habe er in Frühlinge 1754 das Etablissement Kieckemahl durch den Commissarium Ockel revidiren lassen, und als er aus dessen Berichte den Mangel derer anzusetzen übernommenen Familien ersehen, in der irrigen Meinung, dass dem Entrepreneur keine gewiße Frist gesetzet sei, demselben andeutet lassen, dass die Kolonie in Frühlinge 1755 complete sein müsste, oder er davon an Euer Königliche Majestät berichten würde.
Da nun Commissio wegen dieser geschehen sein sollenden Erinnerung keine Nachfrage so viel ab Actis constiret, gehalten, noch dem Pfeiffer die Bescheinigung derselben aufgegeben hat, überdem dem Pfeiffer wohl nicht übel gedeutet werden könnte, wen er entweder die angegebene Frist verstattet, oder die Revision derer Etablissements bei seinen überhäuften Geschäften, einige Monate über die bestimmte Zeit verschoben hätte, als welches letztere ihm zur Last fallen würde, wenn seine nur erwähnte Angabe nicht richtig wäre.
So glauben wir nicht, dass ihm hierbei mit Grunde eine Pflicht wiedrige Nachläßigkeit vorgerücket werden könne.
Diesemnnächst hat der Pfeiffer angeführet, es sei ihm nicht bekandt, auf welcher Art der Entreprenneur zu Kieckemahl sich zum Seiden-Bau engagiret hätte, und habe er dasjenige was darüber bei der Cammer sei ausgefertiget geworden, niemals gelesen.
Der Seiden-Bau könne indessen auch ohne Anlegung einer Maulber-Plantage geschehen, da man die Blätter anderwärtskaufen könnte, und überhaupt wäre ihm die Aufsicht über die Maulber-Plantagen nie committiret, sondern selbige hätten zum Departement des Kammer-Directoris von Schmettau gehöret.
Diesem letzten Umstande ist nirgends wiedersprochen worden, ungeachtet wir dafürhalten, dass derselbe den Pfeiffer völlig rechtfertige, indem es scheienet, dass der Entreprenneur zu Kieckemahl blos aus eigener Bewegung, oder ohne Rücksicht auf den, mit dem Magistrate zu Köpenick getroffenen Contract den Seiden-Bau übernommen habe, und folglich derselbe zu einer Condition des Etablissements nicht zu zählen sei, auf deren Erfüllung der Pfeiffer in der Qualitaet als Etablissements-Commissariuis zu sehen hatte.
1. Wegfraß is not the only one to have found out that Pfeiffer was found guilty; in the same year as her book, 2003, a biography of Pfeiffer appeared* that had figured the same thing out. I'm still trying to get my hands on it for details, but today I obtained an article via ILL that cites this 2003 publication, so I at least know that it says he was guilty.
* In a local history booklet series for Friedrichshagen, which was founded under his administration. This is why I need a local history booklet series for Fredersdorf!
2. One of the things he was responsible for was paying spies that would go to Saxony and try to find families willing to emigrate to Prussia. This was considered a very dangerous activity, and when he was accused of embezzling, he argued that spies weren't cheap and sometimes demanded more money, because of the danger, and if he didn't get as many colonist families as he'd originally estimated, it wasn't because he was dishonest, it was because families that had originally committed to emigrating bavked out.
All this reinforces my impression that emigrating without permission in Germany was just not a thing. I don't think I had an example from Saxony, but now I do.
Anyway, I wasn't expecting the Spanish inquisition spies to show up in this document, and when I saw them, I had to research what that was all about and share it with salon.
All this reinforces my impression that emigrating without permission in Germany was just not a thing.
Looks like. Mind you, the huge immigration waves a century later both before and after the 1848 Revolution are another subject, but then laws were different in the 19th century anyway.
BTW, since you asked elsewhere: no, I can't make it to Berlin to read the Pfeiffer biography this year. Next year, we'll see. But this year is impossible.
I was trying to figure out why after James Keith's death, a bunch of papers related to Eva Merthen ended up in the hands of Peter's family, when I can't find any evidence of a close connection during the lifetimes of Peter and James. (Reminder that Peter died December 1756 and James October 1758, so their deaths are pretty close in time.)
Well, today I deciphered some more material, and there is drama! As far as I can tell, Peter's widow Oriane got some money and it looks like some other bequests, because this letter happened. It's from Oriane to a guy who is what I'm going to call the executor of James's will, although that may or may not be technically precise.
Mylord Marischal, cahn, is James's brother George, who was friends with Fritz until their old age, and Fritz used to come down to meet him at the Chinese teahouse when George got too old to climb the hill to Sanssouci.
Would it not be possible for you to do me the honour of spending some time at my house today? I will be at home until 5 o'clock in the evening, I am still sending you attached a copy of part of the letter I received yesterday from Mylord Marshal, by which you will see that I cannot consent to Merthen's proposals, it even seems to me that Mylord is no longer so far from starting a trial, since he does not want me to give a renunciation. As for the difficulty of emptying the apartment for Feldmarshal Levald, that does not worry me. He has sent word to me that the Feldmarshal's effects can remain in the upper part of the house since he will only occupy the lower part, and that he only wishes that Merthen leaves the house. If I could speak to you, I believe that we would find a way to intimidate Merthen, who is only so insolent because she believes that no trial is wanted at all. If you stay at home, I will gladly come and speak to you there, provided that I know what time will be convenient for you.
Wow. So Eva's refusing to move out of the house, and her late husband's brother) are ganging up on her!
Well, I see how these papers ended up there. There's a high preponderance of important legal, financial, and official papers in this collection. Looks like I'm going to have to do some more deciphering and see if I can figure out what's going on here. There's a mixture of French, German, and very badly handwritten German that may go forever undeciphered.
This is what I've got so far:
The widowed Mrs. Lieutenant Colonel von Keith, née von Cnyphausen, is granted, upon her petition, by the current praesident, and the power of attorney attached thereto by the chamberlain Anton Bernhard Motschow, by the late General Field Marshal von Keith for the resolution: that the requested transfer of the funds previously mentioned in Motschow's deposit, which amount to the sum of 600 thalers, can take place. And as the date for their payment has been set for the 21st of June, at 3 p.m. in the subscriber's apartment, the same mandatorum substitutum, Hofrat Bell, has to authorize a hundred thalers for this matter. Berlin, January 19, 1760
From Oriane to what I think is a legal official (conseiller). Goldbeck is the executor.
Merthen has sent word to me that she consents that the 1900 crowns be distributed according to the will of Mylord, and that she reserves the right to distribute the remainder of the sum to the other domestics as she sees fit, that she also offers to place the note in question in the hands of Mr. Goldbeck, while reserving her rights over this note. Provided that on my side I consent to the lifting of the seal without inventory. As this is all I asked, and My Lord has just written to me that provided she rewards the Domestics, he does not care to have the note back. I believe, Sir, that you can arrange this matter with her lawyer whom she has sent word to me that she will send to you tomorrow.
And there's something that I haven't transcribed but have eyeballed, and it's James Keith in 1757 making up his last will and leaving all his furniture, horses, carriages, cash, and generally everything he owns to Eva Merthen, who's been with him for several years through the several dangerous illnesses he's suffered.
So it seems like she was the universal heir but specific bequests went to specific beneficiaries, and Oriane is one such beneficiary. It also seems like, since Oriane is receiving money and getting involved with helping George out in the Case of the Squatting Widow*, Peter *did* have reasonably close contact with his more famous cousins during his lifetime, something I've had no evidence for up to this point.
* Without knowing the details, I have some a priori sympathy for Eva the foreign, middle-class, never-legally-married widow, who may be getting a raw deal.
Everytime I think I've finished the research and am solely in the writing and editing stage, more research comes along! I will let you know if there are any more interesting developments.
Okay, I'm not going to be able to transcribe all the dozens of pages of this legal battle, certainly not today, but this is what I've got so far:
George and Eva are each claiming to be James' heir, and Eva has had to hand over the will she has in her possession, the one I mentioned. The authorities comment on it, but I'll need to transcribe their commentary to figure out exactly what they're saying. If I even can: there's so much legalese! And even knowing enough Latin to figure out what the words mean or at least to identify cognates doesn't tell me what that means in practical legal terms! Like knowing "habeas corpus" means "that you have the body" tells you nothing about what it *means*.
So there's that.
An unsigned and unaddressed letter that I'm reading as being from George to Oriane, based on context, complicates things even further, because it seems to bring in a new and unidentified cast of characters.
I have the honour of yours of the 6th. The affair of the servants must be finished, and the document left in the hands of Merthens, but without giving her any renunciation on my part (if it has not already been given). The document will probably never be of any use to her, since according to all appearances the succession of my cousin will never revert to me, because even if I had my grace to be able to succeed I can only do so after the death of the brother who is in good health although imbecile, and he is much younger than me. Merthens must fear something since she desires this renunciation so much; I know her capable of anything (except good) and I know that she had practiced and studied to counterfeit my brother's handwriting, I have seen her do it and sign his name to the point where it was mistaken for his [signature]. Mr. Weideman is a good man, he apologizes to me for having forgotten to put in his list some geographical maps and some plans, but he does not mention the stamps or the wallet. Motcho maintains what he said about the money in the two belts, and that Mr. Kelly and Etienne know it very well. I only mention it to distinguish Weideman if the fact is true as I believe.
I left two books in folio at Potsdam at my brother's, I would like to have them back; The History of Muntaner and The Commentaries of Dn. in Jacme Re d'Arago. Both in old Spanish. I would also like (as I wrote to Weideman) the swords garnished with copper to my brother, and three pairs of pistols.
Who is this cousin of George and what does the document that Eva has have to do with whether he will succeed to this cousin?
But anyway, George totally thinks she forged James' will! I had no idea George and Eva hated each other, this is totally new information. Archival research is amazing. Also, George and Oriane seem to be on pretty good terms, although it's not clear to me whether that means the two Keith branches got along well before the legal battle, or just a case of "the enemy of my enemy is my friend."
It's still not clear to me whether Oriane got a *bequest* from James or possibly Peter had just loaned him some money. On the one hand, not sure why Peter would be lending money to his presumably much richer cousin. On the other hand, there's the circumstantial evidence that Peter says in his memoirs that he and his wife never deny anyone a loan (you might want to deny people loans, Peter!) and in this same batch of documents, Oriane is still trying to chase down loans she and Peter had made to other people while he was alive. So it's possible her involvement in James' posthumous legal battle involves a loan repayment. It would probably help if I was more familiar with German law and the technical meanings of the Latin phrases used therein.
Plus I just remembered that one of the arguments I'm making in this essay/book/whatever is that rich people sometimes got into debt *more*, because debt was an investment in getting even richer. And the fact that Peter didn't get into debt more than he did sounds good from a modern perspective, but our standards were not contemporary standards.
But either way, even a loan would require some kind of ties between the families before James's death!
Oh, wait, I figured out the cousin thing! It all makes sense now. I had given up on the Eva/James/George/Oriane research for the night and gone looking for something else, and what should I find but that a completely different batch of Keith family papers contains stray letters from Oriane on this subject. One of them refers to the document concerning the succession of Lord Kilmore. That rang a bell, and thanks to my discussions with liriaen on Keith family genealogy, I knew of the Earl of Kintore branch of the Keith family. Sure enough, Wikipedia tells me that in 1758, the Earl of Kintore died, leaving his brother as his heir (it says nothing about him being intellectually impaired). When he died in 1761, the title *should* have passed to George, but he was an attainted Jacobite traitor. Ahhh, that all makes sense.
I also see another familiar name: the Earl of Kintore who died in 1758 married the daughter of Lady Grange!
Okay, it's all starting to come together. It just takes persistent deciphering. From a little more reading in the second batch, it looks like this:
Eva gets all the goods as long as she pays the sum to James' domestics that George has insisted on. She has no money of her own, and she can't sell James' goods as long as they're under seal (meaning the law hasn't decided who they belong to, so nobody can sell them off), so there's a lot of back and forth on where to get the money to pay the domestics, and whether the seal can be raised. Oriane says she's fine with raising the seal.
Oohhh! More research yields more findings. I looked up this Field Marshall Lewald, who turns out to be this guy. He retired from the army and moved to Berlin in 1759 and became the governor. That reminded me that back when we were looking through the Berlin address books, we found that the governor of Berlin lived in the governor's mansion (Katte's grandfather being one such example, and we think young Katte lived there after his mother died). So yeah, Eva, sorry, you gotta move out. :P Your late husband didn't own the house, and neither do you.
So: Did Eva forge the will, or was George just being super classist at her?
ETA: Okay, I keep saying I'm done, but I keep deciphering: I think Oriane is proposing that Eva turn over the family papers and in return, Oriane will consent to raise the seal so that Eva can start using/selling/whatever the inheritance she got. And in the family papers will be the document regarding the succession to the Earldom of Kintore that George wants so badly (even though he doesn't think he's realistically got a shot at it). Btw, in the comment above, I translated "Billet" as "note", but now that I know what it is, I'm translating it "document" in this comment.
ETA 2: Oh, "I have the honor of yours on the 6th" is shorthand for the most common way of opening a letter: "I have the honor of having received your letter sent on the 6th."
So I was googling for images of Fredersdorf for "We didn't start the fire" yesterday, and I found this blog post.
To summarize, there's a painting of Some Eighteenth-Century Dude in a museum in New York. It's always been identified as an American revolutionary named Samuel Fraunces. But then a scholar at the University of Göttingen, Dr. Kuhle, found a nearly identical portrait in Dresden, that really obviously depicts the same person. That made it less likely that the New York portrait depicted an American, and the museum stopped labeling it as Samuel Fraunces.
Meanwhile,
Dr. Kuhle believes the subject is a member of Frederick's most intimate inner circle of male friends who lived with him at his palace in Rheinsberg. In Frederick's early years he commissioned a portrait cycle of these intimate friends; four portraits are known and are part of the collection of the Museum Huis Doorn in The Netherlands today. They include Dietrich von Keyserlingk, Charles Etienne Jordan, Isaak Franz Egmont von Chasot and Ernst Heinrich August de la Motte Fouqué. But it is well documented that Frederick had six intimates at the time, including Michael Gabriel Fredersdorf (1708-1758) and Francesco Algarotti (1712-1764). Both of these men are missing from the cycle, but are the subject of other works by Pensne and Jean-Etienne Liotard that that bear a resemblance to the Fraunces Tavern Museum and Staatliche Kunstsammlungen paintings.
Now, right away we've got some problems here.
1. The traditional list of 6 is Keyserlingk, Jordan, Wartensleben, Hacke, Fredersdorf, and Eichel. There's only partial overlap between that list and Keyserlingk, Jordan, Chasot, Fouqué, Fredersdorf, and Algarotti.
2. Fritz had a lot more than 6 intimates at Rheinsberg (!).
3. Algarotti only by a real stretch could be called "an intimate at Rheinsberg"; he passed through for a few days once. He certainly never lived there.
4. Fouque and Keyserlingk also never lived there, although since they visited a lot, I'll allow it.
5. The article says art conservators determined that it was painted between the late 18th and early 19th centuries. On the other hand, it could be a copy (the wig does look more 1750s than 1790s to me).
Then there's the compare-and-contrast of the 2 not!Fraunces with the 2 Fredersdorf paintings.
1. Is it just me, or does not!Fraunces look older than both Fredersdorfs? And I know paintings aren't photographs, and artists differed in how much they prettified, but if these two were painted at or shortly after Rheinsberg days, he should look younger.
2. The face looks less round to me (aka how I can tell Katte and Catt apart when historians confuse them), but then the other Fredersdorf painting looks somewhere in between.
3. The eyebrows are thick and dark in the one Fredersdorf painting, thin and dark in the other Fredersdorf painting, and light and barely there in the not!Fraunces painting.
4. The eyes are blue in the one Fredersdorf painting, but darker in the other two.
5. Honestly, I think the coat and background are the most similar. :P But then, IDing via portrait is hard; if I had nothing else to go on, I would probably id Fredersdorf and Fritz as the same person, based on everything but the nose! L'autre moi-meme? :P
6. What is not!Fraunces holding in that one painting? Is that a cane?
Anyway, I need to know more about the documentary source for Fritz ordering paintings for his Rheinsberg friends! I might contact this Dr. Kuhle. I'm an American scholar studying Fredersdorf. :P
What are your thoughts? I have pinged prinzsorgenfrei as well for input.
Speaking of whom, they would like to know if anyone in salon has contacts to the Housesteads Roman Fort near Hadrian's Wall. I don't, but I'm passing on the question in the unlikely event anyone here does. I do not know for what purpose.
Speaking of contacting people, I need to contact liriaen and let her know about the James Keith posthumous drama! It doesn't really get us closer to rebuilding her lost family tree, but it's cool!
1. Is it just me, or does not!Fraunces look older than both Fredersdorfs? And I know paintings aren't photographs, and artists differed in how much they prettified, but if these two were painted at or shortly after Rheinsberg days, he should look younger.
Exactly. The only other Fredersdorf painting I know (the non-Pesne one) shows him older and also thinner, more haggard, so while the Pesne Frederdof might develop into either of those guys, it doesn't make sense for Not!Fraunce to supposedly be earlier than the other two, that man is certainly older than the guy from the Zernikow painting.
Now Pesne's male depictions do resemble each other (unless he's painting FW!), as you note with the Fritz portrait, and wig and formal wear enhance that idea. Since Pesne was THE fashionable court painter for two and a half generations, I bet a lot of painters were imitating him, especially his younger Fritz portraits, and who ever is depicted in the New Jersey portrait could easily have been depicted by someone who wanted to see himself stylized a la Fritz-as-depicted-by-Pesne. So I'm going with "not Fredersdorf", but you should contact this Dr. Kuhle anyway.
I was thinking of requesting the Seymour family this year actually, because as overwhelmed as everyone is with Tudor fiction, there‘s nothing good focused on the siblings who after all had a key role in English history - Jane Seymour inevitably only shows up as Anne B.‘s pale rival, and yet she was the same age, she‘d witnessed the entire drama. Her sister Elizabeth, the only sibling to survive all the subsequent changes, was married to Cromwell‘s son (and survived Cromwell‘s fall as well). And the bothers Edward and Thomas (boo, hiss, for the Elizabeth grooming and Katherine Parr betraying) were examples of rise and fall of ambitious courtiers, of course, but how did these siblings relate to each other?
I knew that when Fritz didn't let him go to England with his beloved Hotham, he cried and cried, but I don't remember Selena telling us this, omg:
I feel so lonely in a city where I have lived for ten years. All those I once called my friends, now that I've experienced this English friendship, seem so heartless that I can no longer put my trust in anyone. The only consolation I have is my books.
He no longer trusts his Prussian friends!!
[Peter: I lived in England! I have English manners! You can still trust me.]
The next day, Lehndorff's only consolation is writing to his dear Hotham.
I am *so* glad I decided to read Lehndorff rather than asking Selena the simple question* to which I wanted to know the answer for my Peter Keith paper, because even just in 1756, I am finding *so* many things, including two things I put in my paper that are wrong.
* I imagined Selena asking, "Why don't you read Lehndorff yourself, Mildred?" and I thought, "...Why *don't* I read Lehndorff myself? It's the easiest German there is, I need the practice, and I've been meaning to for years."
For one, it reads to me like Lehndorff just wanted to take a trip to England, not emigrate. He uses "Reise", says all the obstacles had been cleared away so Fritz had no reason to object, and says the trip would have been so beneficial. Which makes it sound like he's coming back, Fritz doesn't have to worry about finding a new chamberlain or property passing out of the country, and like Fritz is supposed to see the advantages to Lehndorff as advantages to *him*, like a professional development argument.
Now, maybe Fritz was worried that Lehndorff would never come back, and then he would have to find a new chamberlain and potentially lose any property Lehndorff inherited (he still had a living older brother at this point, but there are no guarantees).
Speaking of not wanting to come back, Lehndorff goes to dinner a week before this and realizes everyone's from a different country:
My dear Hotham is an Englishman, Masin an Italian, Wulfenstjerna a Swede, I unhappily a Prussian, and our host a Pole.
Lehndorff, if talk like that got back to Fritz, I can see why he didn't grant you permission! "Suuure you're coming back. Why would you? *I* wouldn't have!"
Also, I was thinking Fontane was our only source for Fritz being involved in redirecting Mlle. du Rosey from Lehndorff to evil bride-stealing Ludolf von Katte, since Lehndorff's ire in those passages I read from 1751-2 was only directed at the girl's parents and at his Katte nemesis. But right after Fritz tells Lehndorff he can't go to England, when Lehndorff is recounting all the ways Fritz wronged him and thinking, "I could have loved him like a father! But he's determined not to let me!" he includes a bit about Fritz putting up resistance to a very advantageous marriage. So I think Fontane was right.
Lehndorff also says that Fritz employed ("angestellt") him against his will at the queen's court. Now, I know he wanted a transfer and could never get one, but this makes it sound like he never wanted this job in the first place? Am I misreading?
I still haven't gotten to the part I originally set out to find, but it's clear I'm going to have to read volume 1 and probably volume 2! The Peter Keith draft has gotten to the point where I can do some reading again, which is good. More tidbits to come!
Lehndorff also says that Fritz employed ("angestellt") him against his will at the queen's court. Now, I know he wanted a transfer and could never get one, but this makes it sound like he never wanted this job in the first place? Am I misreading?
Yes and no. I mean, the way he presents it in later years, including the 1756 one, is Fritz inflicting the job on him, but I don't think there's anything about this at the start of the preserved diaries. Also, I very much suspect what happened was that Lehndorff wanted a job near Fritz, it was 1749, he was young and naive and from East Prussia, i.e. not current with gossip, and hadn't deduced yet that working for EC was guaranteed not to bring him into Fritz' orbit. So I bet when the job was originally offered, he want for it.
I mean, Lehndorff isn't above rewriting the past to a certain extent as we all do with hindsight. Even decades later, when we got our hands on the 1780s diaries, for all his words about being happy in retirement, he seems to have believed that FW2 would offer him a job, and not a ceremonial one, a political one, and was much offended when that didn't happen, since he thought FW2 had really liked him as Crown Prince. (Now, I can understand why Heinrich was kidding himself on a similar note about expecting a good political job in a post Fritzian future and was rudely disappointed, but Lehndorff expecting it really took me by surprise.)
You should definitely check Volume 2 about 1756, btw, I remember there being even more emo about the whole Hotham matter.
Incidentally, if you're looking for Lehndorff's James Keith and Eva passage, that's under October 1758 in Volume 1. (Where he writes that Eva had a great figure, wit and manners, but lived in a spendthrift way, and that James gave her neaerly all his money so she could use his carriage and his cook while he used a the 18th century equivalent of a taxi and ate fast food.)
Question for selenak: do you know if gentlemen's clubs in 1730s London would have been open to Peter as a foreigner? I tried googling it and found nothing conclusive either way, other than some hints that foreigners were not normally welcome, but I thought you might know an example off the top of your head.
If so, do you know if clubs were common enough at that date that he likely would have joined one if it was available? We know he was seeking out literary companionship: "I passed for English in the public and frequented all good companies, especially people of letters, whom I always sought out in order to benefit from their instructive conversation." And I wondered if that was clubs.
It occurred to me that if foreigners weren't welcome, passing for English might have been something that allowed him to join under false pretenses (I have long wondered if he enrolled at Trinity College under an assumed name), but a club is probably the one place where it would be hard to pass as English for long. You have to not only *sound* English when you talk, you have to have a whole backstory, presumably family connections, and not give yourself away in little ways. Being mistaken for English in casual conversation was what I first assumed. But maybe he was living undercover with a whole English identity anyway, to keep FW from finding out where he was.
There was the Royal Society, to which either Fritz of Wales (according to Thea von Seydewitz) or Andrew Mitchell (according to the AM dissertation) sponsored Manteuffel as a (long-distance) member in the early 1740s. I think Algarotti was one, too, so there are two foreigners in the early 1740s for you. It might also be worth checking out whether Voltaire when he was in England ever made it into a club.
selenak, you said you hoped to have time this week to translate and Teuton-pick my transcriptions of the Leining letters, toward the end of eventual publication. I don't know how many you'll have time to do, but I'm going to post several, and we'll just see how it goes.
Monsieur et très cher Compère!
Ich habe die Rechnung von Baumbach & Dimpfel aus Hamburg wegen der letzten nunmehro abgeschickten 12 Körbe Champagner-Wein mit dero geehrtesten Schreiben vom 10 dieses richtig erhalten. Die- sen kleinen Posten werde ich zu der Haupt-Rechnung von denen 2/M bouteillen Champagner-Weinen, so ich unter Glasows Papie- ren gefunden, tragen, und die Summe sodann schließen, wenn ich die Fracht-Rechnung von dero Hamburger-Schiffer, der die gedachte 12 Körbe geladen, wird angekommen seyn. Der Verfugung zu das Schiffers Bezahlung ist bereits in Berlin gemacht worden.
Das Schreiben von der Frau Marggräfin von Anspach König. Hoheit habe ich dem Könige sogleich überreichet.
Die instructiones, welche mon chere Compère, mir in dero letzteren Schreiben vom 13te dieses geben, erkenne ich mit dem verbundensten danck, und dieselben werden mich allemahl gantz ungemein ver- pflichten, wenn Sie bey vorfallenden Gelegenheiten damit continuiren wollen. Ich würde auch den Vorschlag, dass ich die in Berlin und Potsdam fallende monathliche Dispositions-Gelder durch den Herrn Geheimen-Rath Koppen besorgen und den Rest barr durch denselben anhero schicken lassen möchte, gar gern befolgen, wenn ich nicht bereits die Einrichtung dargestalt gemacht hätte, dass der Cammer- Diener Hundertmarck die Auszahlung dieser Gelder in Berlin und Potsdam behalten, und der Rest par assignation an die General- Feld Krieges-Casse übermacht werden sollte. Damit der Herr Hundertmarck seine Sache ordentlich macht, und ich wegen der geschehenen Bezahlung vollkommen gesichert sey, habe ihm aufgegeben dass er die Quitungen auf meinen Nahmen ausstellen lassen und in originali zur revision an mich einschicken soll, auf solche Art bin ich gedeckt, und Hundertmarck versiehet hierbey weiter nichts als die Stelle eines Commissionaire, dergleichen sonst der H. Kosack in Ansehung derer in Berlin vormahls ausgezahlten Chatoulle-Gelder versehen hat. Wegen Uebermachung der Gelder par assignation aber habe bereits an der Herrn von Bodens Excellentz geschrieben, auch mit dem hiesigen Krieges-Zahl-Amt alles reguliret, dass ich dahero bey den gegenwärtigen unsicheren Zeiten auch in diesem Punct hinläng. gesichert bin.
Den Hofrath Schirmeister, dencke ich vor der Hand entbehren zu können, nachdem es Ihnen gefallen, mir über verschiedene Stücke die Hoff-Aemter betreffend, ein eclaircissement zu geben, andern Theils des Herrn von Bodens-Excelltz, wie auch der H. Hoff-Staats-Rent- meister Buchholtz mir mit vielen guten Nachrichten an die Hand gegangen. Von der Führung und Einrichtung der Wirtschaft kann er mir meines Erachtens auch gar nichts sagen, weil die Direction derselben lediglich von Ihnen abgefangen, und der H. Schirmeister, mir es auch recht gewesen, sich darin nicht meliren dürfen.
Die 252 rthlr welche in der alten Schulden-Liste für die Garderobe, desgleichen, für Thé und Caffé aufgeführet stehen haben mon cher Compère, wie ich aus eben der Liste ersehe an Völckern bezahlet. Es findet sich aber unter denen allhier vorhandenen Scripturen keine Spe- cification noch quitirte Rechnung von diesem Posten, und dahero be- sorge ich, dass Völcker die Auszahlung entweder gantz oder doch zum Theil unterlassen haben möge. Erweisen Sie mir doch die Gefällig- keit, und lassen Sie einmahl den Italiener Dominico, der die größte Post zu fordern gehabt, kennen, und fragen Sie ihn ob er bezahlt ist? Der Apotheker Bertholtz hat, wie ich vernommen, etwas von diesen Geldern auf Völkers Ordre distribuiren müssen. Dieser wird vielleicht wissen, wo die Specification und die Rechnungen von diesen 252 rt. hingekommen sind.
Se. König. Maj. befinden sich Gott lob! wohl und gesund. Ich wünsche, dass der gute effect, den Sie nach des schlesischen Doctoris Cur verspühren continuiren mögen. Meiner Frau werde ich ihre inattention verweisen, und übrigens allemahl durch alle Proben der Freundschaft, so Sie von mir verlangen können, zeigen, dass ich aufrichtigst bin, Monsieur et très cher Compère votre très humble et obeysant serviteur Leining
Lockwitz den 16te April 1757
Remember that the Teuton-picking is very important, we have a very dysfluent speaker transcribing these! I'd rather have you query something and be told that that's what I'm seeing in the text, than have you shrug it off as maybe an 18th century-ism you haven't seen, and then it turns out to be an Americanism and I just look incompetent in print. :)
Btw, I'm pretty sure there will be a round of cleaning this up into modern German, or at least expanding the abbreviations, etc., but first I want to make sure I have a good grip on what the text itself actually says.
I received your much appreciated letter from the 10th together with the billl from Baumbach & Dimpfel in Hamburg about the last twelve baskets filled with Champagne which have finally been sent. I will add this little item to the overall bill about the 2/M (two thousand?) bottles Champagne which I have found among Glasow’s papers, and will account for the overall sum once I received the transport bill from the Hamburg boatsman who is shipping the twelve baskets. The order to pay the boatsman has already been given in Berlin.
The letter from her Grace the Margravine of Ansbach has been given to the King by me immediately.
The instructions which mon chere Compere has given to me in your last letter from the 13th I acknowledge with most obliged gratitude, and I will be even more obliged if you’d continue to issue them should the occasions arise. Moreover, I would gladly follow your suggestion to let Secret Counciller Koppen hand out the monthly sums of disposition and to let him send the rest in cash here, except that I’ve already arranged for Chamber Servant Hundertmarck to keep issuing these sums in Berlin and Potsdam, and for the rest to be transferred to the general war chest by assignment. In order to ensure that Mr. Hundermarck accomplishes this task well, and to ascertain the payment definitely has been made, I have charged him to issue the receipts in my name and to send me the originals so I may review them. This way, I am covered, and Hundertmarck doesn’t do more than a commissioner, similar to the job Mr. Kosack (could this be Koppen again?) has done when reviewing the casket* sums in Berlin handed out earlier. As for the transfor of payment by assignation, I have already written his Excellency Herr von Boden, and have cleared up everything with the local Office of War Expenses, so that I’m in this aspect covered as well in these current uncertain times.
I think I will be able to do without Hofrat Schirmeister, since it has pleased you to provide me with explanations regarding the various court offices. On the other hand, his Excellency Herr von Boden as well as Hofstaatsrentmeister Buchholtz have aided me with many good news. In my opinion, he (presumably Schirmeister)can’t teach me about the managment and arrangement of the administration, either, since the direction the later has just been copied from you, and Hofrat Schirmeister has never been allowed to meddle in this, which I agree with.
As for the 252 Reichstaler which have been listed in the old debts list for wardrobe and for tea and coffee, I can just now see in the list that mon cher Compere has already reimbursed Völcker for them. However, I can’t find any specification or receipt of this item among the writings available to me here, and thus I conclude Völcker may have partially or totally kept the payment. Could you do me the favour and ask the Italian Domenico who has the largest demand to make whether he has been paid? The apothocary Bertholz has had to distribute some of this money around, following Völcker’s orders. He may perhaps know where the specification and the bills from these 252 Reichstaler have ended up.
His Royal Majesty is, God be thanked, healthy and well. I'm crossing my fingers so the good effect you felt after the cure by the Silesian doctor may continue. I'll chide my wife for her lack of attention, and will demonstrate through all the proofs of friendship you could possibly demand of me that I am, most sincerely,
*Casket = Schatulle = what a lot of our sources like Lehndorff and Nikolai etc. said Glasow was newly in charge of. Fritz’ personal expenses from his direct household as far as I recall.
The Margravine of Ansbach is Friederike, the first of Fritz’ sisters to get married, who went from being a brave girl able to cheek FW about the bad food he made his kids eat (cue FW throwing the dishes at Fritz and Wilhelmine) to being a very depressed woman (her husband was a louse). She and Wilhelmine were somewhat competitive for some years when tensions were high between Fritz and Wilhelmine in the early 1740s.
Die Neuigkeit so heute bey unser Hof-staat vorgefallen ist viel zu wichtig, als dass ich Ihnen selbige uneröffnet lassen sollte. Der König hat dem Herrn Anderson durch mich seine Gnade wieder ankündigen lassen, und befohlen, dass er wieder zurück und unverzüglich nach dero Haupt-Quar- tier kommen soll, zu welchem Ende Ihm auch 100 rt. zur Reise übersenden müssen. Ich weiss, dass Sie an dieser Begebenheit als ein Freund des Herr Andersons einigen Antheil nehmen. In dieser Absicht allein mache ich Ihnen selbige bekannt, und bitte zugleich, dass wenn mon cher Compère demselben über lang oder kurz schrieben, Sie Ihm unter andern Ermahnungen Friede und Eintracht mit mir anrathen, sonst könnte die Uneinigkeit einem von uns beyden über lang oder kurz wieder nachteilig seyn, Ich hoffe inzwischen, dass alles gut gehen wird, und dann bin ich mit allem zufrieden, und bliebe ich in dieser Züfrie- denheit mit aufrichtiger Hochachtung und Liebe, Monsieur et très cher Compère, vôtre très humble et obeisant Serviteur Leining Lockwitz Den 18. April, 1757
Today, a newsworthy event happened in our court which is far too important as to not tell you immediately about it. The King bade me to inform Mr. Anderson that he's back in favor, and has ordered him to return immediately into service and to Headquarters. To this end, I had to send him 100 Reichtstaler to pay for the journey. I know that as a friend of Mr. Anderson, you will take some interest in this affair. For just this reason, I'm telling you about all this, and simultanously would like to ask mon cher compere to advise him that he should keep peace and harmony with me, when you’re going to write to him sooner or later. Otherwise, the discordance between the two of us could sooner or later have disadvantages again. Meanwhile, I'm hoping that all will go well, and so I'm content with everything, and thus I remain in this contentment with sincere respect and love, Monsieur et tres cher compere, etc.
Ick dancke Ihnen für die gütige Communication des Bendaschen Schriebens an den Glaso, und ersehe daraus die erstaunende Vertraulichkeit, so zwischen dieser beyden Leuten gewesen ist. Wenn Zeit und Gelegenheit es anjetzo verstatten wollten, würde ich im Stande seyn, Ihnen von dieser Correspondentz eine ganze Sammlung, die gantzartig und erbaülich ist, zukommen zu lassen, die Zartlichkeit so darinn herrschet ist so beschaffen, dass der zärtlichste Liebhaber, so an seiner Maitresse schreibet, dar- nach sein Model nehmen könnte. Ich werde aber damit bey er- stere Gelegenheit aufwarten. Inzwischen empfele mich dero geneigten Andencken, und verharre mit der aufrichtigsten Hochachtung Monsieur et très cher Compère vôtre très humble et obeisant Serviteur Leining
Ottendorf den 21te April 1757
Finding: it does *not* say "Benda Jun."! It says "Bendaschen." I see how I got there, but that was the reading of a very inexperienced decipherer. (I'm telling you, ordering 2000 pages of Pfeiffer material and reading over half of them was an inspired move.)
So we technically don't know which Benda it was. Though I still think Josef is the most likely, based on the evidence that Nikolai knew him and lived a couple doors down from him, and that Josef was still alive and active in the 1790s when Nikolai's anecdotes were published (hence the need to protect his identity). However, Franz Benda lived until 1786 and died near Potsdam, so it's not impossible. The fact that he was 15 years older than Josef doesn't mean he wasn't hitting on ~21-yo Glasow when he was almost 50. And if he was, maybe Josef didn't want Franz's name dragged into the Glasow mud even posthumously.
Selena, would a hyphen make sense in "Bendaschen-Schreibens", or do you think it's "Bendaschen Schreibens?" Or something else? The little stroke at the end of "Bendaschen" could be a letter, hyphen, or just a flourish. I'm leaning towards hyphen, but that's where the Teuton-picking comes in. :)
thank you for kindly sharing the letter by Benda to Glasow; the amazing intimacy between these two men is palpable. If I had the time and opportunity right now, I'd be capable sending you a whole collection collection of this correspondence, since it is is so unique and edifying; the tenderness dominating it could serve as a sterling example for the most tender lover writing to his mistress. But I will present it to you at the first opportune moment. In the meantime, I reccomend myself to your recollection and remain with the most sincere respect, Monsieur et tres cher compere, etc.
Modern German would spell it "Bendaschen Schreibens", we don't do hyphens in this context, BUT this was a century before Mr. Duden put up his rules for the German language, so who knows. I'm voting for "florish" anyway and still think, like you, Josef B. is the most likely candidate for the Benda who has the hots for Glasow. Here's Franz in the icon anyway.
Ich habe dero beyde Schreiben vom 17te und 21te m.p. wohl erhal- ten. Das erste anbetreffend: so habe die mir zugesandte zwey Qui- tungen von Mrs. Girard Michelet & Comp. die ich auch hierbey re- mittire, mit denen neuen eingegebenen Rechnungen zusammenge- halten, und gefunden dass ihnen wircklich die zwey letzte Kisten mit Eaux de Senteur und Pomaden, nicht minder die Pension des Herrn d'Alembert vom 1ten Jun. bis 1ten Decembr a.p. zu bezahlen annoch rückständig sind.
Die Briefe qu. an den Herrn Obrist von Balbi nebst der Vorstellung an der König, habe unter das Glaso Papieren nicht gefunden, sonst sollten dieselben ohne dero Verlangen, schon zurückgesandt worden seyn. Wegen der an den liederlichen Völcker ausgezahlten 252 rt. alte Casse- und Garderoben-Schulden wollte mir, wenn es möglich wäre, wohl eine nähere Auskunft und wo es halbweg anginge die specification so er dem Apotheker Bertholtz zurückgelassen haben soll, ausbitten damit ich nur sehen könnte, was für Leute darauf befindlich sind, und darnach einen jeden von seinen Creditoren, deren sich die Menge angeben, bescheiden könnte. Vielleicht gelinget es, mon cher Compère, dieselbe heraus zu bringen, und sodann werde bitten mir solche zuzuschicken. Domenico wird nothwendig darauf mit einem höhere Posten als 100 rt. aufgeführet stehen. Hedler hat vermut. an dieser Summe von 252 r. wohl keinen Antheil, weil er dem Völcker erst kurtz vor des Königes Ausmarsch Creditiret, und seit länger als Jahr und Tag hat Glaso Sr. Mayt. die Casse-Rech- nung alle Monath vorgeleget, die Bezahlüng ist auch jedesmahl erfolget, haben also die Leute das ihrige nicht bekommen, so stehet Ihnen anjetzo nicht mehr zu helfen.
Das Anschreiben der Churmärck.-Cammer von 14 m.p. so ich eben- falls hier wieder mit beyfüge, ist hart und drohend genüg abge- fasset. Ich habe vor den hand weiter nichts bey der Sache tun können, als dass ich beyliegendes copey. Schreiben an dieselbe abgelassen habe, wodurch ich wenigstens so viel zu effectuiren denke, dass Sie von der Execution sowohl, als von ferneren Vexationen ver- schonet bleiben sollen. Von deren monathlichen Fourage-Geldern kann das restirende Pachte Quantum unmöglich abgethan werden, weil dieses zu Unterhaltung der 112 Stück Pferde nicht einmahl bei den gegenwärtigen theuern zeiten zureichet. Ließe ich also die verlangte Ordre an die Hof-Staats Casse ergehen, so sind die neue Schulden bey dem Stall unvermeidlich, und diese muss ich wie den Teufel zu hintertrieben suchen. Wenn es aber angehen will: so dencke ich, wenn sich sonst kein anderer Rath findet, Ihro Maj. dahin zu disponiren, dass Höchstdieselben die restierend Kienbergsche Pacht, von denen überbleibenden Fourage-Geldern der 1027 r. 8 g. bezahlen lassen. Diese Summe ist zwar monathlich zu Tilgung der alten Schulden bestimmet; allein es kommen doch Fälle vor, wo sie nicht so unzertrennt zu diesem behuf allein em- ployieret werden kann, wie zum Exempel diesen Monath geschie- het, da Se. Maj. von diesen überbleibenden Geldern aus 71 stück Rosenburgsche und Preuss.-Gestüter Pferde bis auf deren Verkauf die rationes accordiren mussen. Wollen mon cher Compère deshalb eine immediate Vorstellung an Se. Maj. gelangen lassen, und Höchstdenenselben vorstellen, dass Sie das restierende Pacht- Quantum aus diesem fond bezahlen möchten: so halte ich dafür, dass es keinen übeln effect thun wird. dem Stall-Commissario Kosack habe ich inzwischen aufgegeben, mir zu berichten warum er die Kienbergsche Pacht und Pahrensche dienstgelden nicht ordentlich und zur gesetzten Zeit abgetragen und wie Er es anjetzo anfangen wolle, dass diese Post berichtiget werde? Die Antwort, so ich darauf er- halte, werde sogleich communiciren. Belieben Sie mir doch auch zu melden, ob es dem Roseno ein wirklichen Ernst, die Pachtung von Kienberg zu übernehmen, und unter welchen Conditionen er solches thun will? Was ich nach meiner Wenigkeit [dienen] kann, um aus diesem embarras zukommen, will ich mit Vergnügen ins Werck setzen.
Von Neuigkeiten weiß von der Hand weiter nichts zu schreiben, als dass unsre Zietensche und Czekelische Husaren mit den oesterreichischen Husaren den Tag bey unserm Einmarsch in das jetzige Haupt- Quartier einen starcken Scharmützel gehabt, und dabey viele getödtet, einen Rittmeister, einen Lieutenant und 31 Gemeine nebst Pferden zu Gefangene gemacht. Anjetzo halten wir Prag ein- geschlossen, Braun hat sich hinter der Stadt und über die Moldau zurückgezogen und feste gesetzt. Was weiter passiren möchten, wird die Zeit bald lehren. Se. König. Maj. befinden sich bey allen fatiguen münter und gesund. Ich empfele mich zu beharrlichen Freundschaft ünd verbleibe mit der aufrichtig- sten Hochachtung
Monsieur et très cher Compère Votre tres humble et obeisant Serviteur Leining
Haupt-Quartier bei Welleslawien von Prag Den 4te Maj. 1757.
I received both of your letters, from the 17th and from the 21st. Regarding the first: I have compared the two receipts by Messieurs Girard Michelet & Company, which I return to you with this letter, with the newly arrived bills, and have discovered that they really haven't been paid for the last two boxes with perfume (Eaux de Senteur literally - don't know whether you want to leave that in French) and hair grease, nor for Monsieur d'Alembert's pension between June 1st to December 1st, which still has to be done.
I didn't find the letters addressed to Colonel von Balbi or the presentation to the King among Glasow's papers, otherwise I already would have returned them to the later without him having to demand them. Regarding the old debts made by the 252 Reichstaler paid to slovenly Völcker, all ostensibly paid for coffee* and wardrobe: could I ask you to provide more detailed information and if it's at all possible the specification he has supposedly left for the Apothocary Bertholtz? It's so I can see which people are listed there, so I can reply to each of his creditors, of which a lot are presenting themselves right now. Maybe, mon cher compere, you'll manage to discover it, and if so I beg you to send it to me.
By necessity Dominico will be listed on it with a higher expense than 100 Reichstaler. Stedler probably doesn't have any share in this sum of 252 Reichstaler, since he's only provided Völcker credit since shortly before the King's departure to the front, and Glasow has presented His Majesty with the bills for Coffee** every month for more than a year. The payment followed duly each time, so if the people didn't get their share, one can't help them anymore now.
I'm adding the letter to the Kurmärkische Kammer from the 14th last month; it's written harsh and threatening enough. Ahead of things I couldn't do anymore than write the attached letter, through which I hope to get at least enough results as to spare you from the execution as well as further vexations. It's impossible to pay the monthly fodder for horses from the remaining rent shares, because it's not enough to support 112 horses even in the current expensive times. Thus, if I were to send the order in demand to the court treasury***, new debts for the stable would be inevitable, and I'm at pains to avoid incurring those.
If it has to be done, and if there's no other method available, though, I'm intending to advise His Majesty to let the remaining lease of Kienberg be paid by the remaining horse fodder money of 1027 Reichstaler, 8 Groschen. True, the sum has been intended to redeem the old debts on a monthly basis; but there are cases when it can't be used only to this purpose without getting divided, as for example happened earlier this month, when His Majesty had to had to supply rations out of this remaining money for 71 horses of the Rosenburg and Prussian stud farms. If you, mon tres cher compare, would provide a presentation addressed to His Majesty to me immediately which demonstrates to him that you want the remaining lease to be paid out of this funding, I'll swear to it that it won't have a bad result. I've already told Horsemaster Kosack to report to me why the Kienberg lease and the Pahren service money haven't been properly redeemed in time, and how he wants to make up now for this failure?
As soon as I get a reply, I'll share it with you. Could you also be so kind as to tell me whether Roseno is really serious about taking over the Kienberg lease, and at which conditions he wants to do so? Whatever my poor self can accomplish so we can escape from this embarrassment, I'll joyfully do.
As regards to news, I don't have any to share except that our Zieten and the Czekel Hussars have fiercely engaged the Austrian Hussars on the day of our arrival at our current headquarters. Many were killed, and a Captain, a Lieutenant and 31 common soldiers and horses were captured. Now, we've encircled Prague. Braun has retreated into the city and across the Moldau and has entrenched himself there. What will happen further, only time will tell. Despite all the exhaustion, His Royal Majesty is cheerful and healthy. I recccommend myself in steadfast friendship and remain with sincere respect, Monsieur et tres chere compere, Votre ters humble et obeisant Serviteur Lelining
Headquarters near Welleslawien of Prague May 4th 1757.
*You transcribe "Casse" instead of "Caffe" here - are you sure? Given that Völcker WAS the coffee guy, I would argue a mispelling of what in modern German we'd call Kaffee as "Caffe" is plausible. But if it IS "Casse", then evidently we can't use "cash register", but maybe "expenses"? **Again - "Casse" or "Caffe" - Coffee just makes more sense, so I'm leaving it!
*** Here, "Kasse", as in Staatskasse makes sense!
Other than questioning the caffe/casse issue, I think your transcription reads perfectly.
Gestern habe dero geehrtes vom 29 m.p. richtig erhalten. Den Brief aus America habe sogleich weiter besorget, den von dem Herrn Stadt-Richter Schmid aus Bremen gesandten Lachs bin ich noch erwartend, weil die Posten von Dresden aus bis hierher noch nicht reguliret werden können, und sonst keine Gelegenheit außer denen gewöhnlichen Estaffeten vorfället. Inzwischen werde dafür sorgen, dass selbiger durch den Herrn Geheimen-Rath Zinnow je eher je lieber anhero übermacht werde.
Mit denen hiesigen vorfallenden merckwürdigen Neuigkeiten werde allemahl mit Vergnügen aufwarten; zu Ersparung der Zeit aber werde die Nachrichten nur an meine Frau senden, die denn keine Zeit verlieren wird, sie Ihnen zu communiciren. Ein solches wird verhoffentlich mit der letzten relation von der am 6te hujus vorgefallenen Bataille geschehen seyn.
Gestern haben wir den Zisca-Berg glücklich erobert, und vermutlich wird es nunmehro mit allem Ernst auf Prag losgehen; durch diese glückliche Eroberung werden wir eine oesterreichsche Armee von einigen 50000 Mann, den Feldmarschall Braune, den Printz Carl von Lotthrin- gen, die bey den Sächsischen Printzen, den Printzen Louis von Würtenberg, die alle in der Stadt sind, in unsre Hande bekommen. Gott gebe dazu seinen Seegen! Ich verharre ohne Ausnehme Monsieur et très cher Compère, votre tres humble et obeisant Serviteur Leining
A postscript crammed into the bottom of the page, in noticeably worse handwriting:
dh. Brautigam Gentze macht sein großtes Compl. undt er ist bereit dero Befehle nach zu Leben woran ich ihn gewiß nicht stören will er [eielet] nichts vor der Campagnie.
'dh.' looks exactly like like a hastily abbreviated "Der Herr". [eielet] would make some sense to me if it were "eilet", i.e. "eilt", i.e. "He is not in a hurry before the campaign," but then there's a stray letter in there that could make it an "ein". and the 'l' could be a 'b', and anything could be anything, basically. :P
Another postscript squeezed vertically into the margin, because that's not painful to read at all:
P.S. Der H. von Oelsnitz, den S.K.M. den Tag nach der Schlacht zum Obristen erkläret, wurde an eben dem Tage [be]ym Recognisciren durch die Brust geschossen, und dazu gefangen nach Prag geführet, allwo er den 8ten May. gestorben. Der Obrist von [St]rantz vom Printz von Preussen ist gestern bey der Attaque des Zisca Berges auch geblieben. Der arme General von Zastrow hat am 25. April. bey Aussich in einem Defile gleichfalls sein Leben an einen Hinten-Schuss aufgeben müssen. Der General Wartenberg von den Husaren, ist auf eben eine solche Art zu Tode gekommen.
Does "beim" in "an eben dem Tage [be?]ym Recognisciren" work grammatically? The 'ym' looks pretty clear, but the first two letters look like he started to write one thing and then wrote another over it.
Yesterday I received your appreciated letter from the 29th of the past month. I forwarded the letter from America immediately, and am still waiting for the salmon which the judge from Bremen is sending, because we haven't been able to establish regular mail from Dresden to this place yet, and there's to other opportunity except for the usual fast courier. Meanwhile, I'll take care of having it transported via Secret Councillor Zinnow, the sooner the better.*
Regarding local extraordinary news, I'll gladly present them to you; but in order to save time, I'll write the news solely to my wife, who then won't lose a moment to communicate all of it to you. This will hopefully have happened with the latest description of the battle which happened on the 6th of this month.
Yesterday, we've happily conquered the Zisca mountain, and now I guess the conquest of Prague will start in earnest; through this fortunate conquest, we'll get our hands on an Austrian army consisting of 5000 men, Field Marshal Browne, Prince Charles of Lorraine, both** of the Saxon princes, Prince Louis of Würtemberg, who are all in the city. May God give us his blessing for this! I remain without fail, Monsieur et tres chere compere, votre tres humble et obeisant Serviteur Leining
P.S. Gentze the bridegroom sends his great compliments, and is ready to direct his life according to your orders, from which I certainly won't deter him; he (mystery word) nothing of the campaign.***
P.P.S. Herr von Oelsnitz, the same gentleman whom His Royal Majesty had promoted to Colonel the day after the battle, was shot through his breast on the same day during a scouting expedition, captured and led to Prague, where he died on May 8th. Colonel von Strantz, of the Prince of Prussia Regiment, hasn't returned from the attack on Zisca Mountain yesterday. A shot from behind has cost poor General von Zastrow his life during a skirmish on April 25th near Aussich. General Wartenberg of the Hussars has also been killed in a likewise manner.****
*"Übermacht" or "Überbracht"? "Überbracht" would be the correct term.
** You write "bey den" - in modern German, it's "beiden", Rokoko also allows "beyden", but either way, it's "both" Saxon princes, clearly.
*** "Campagnie" - could this also be "Compagnie", in which case maybe Leining is making a joke about marital companionship, especially if he and Fredersdorf are both married and have been since years, and Gentze is a newly wed?
**** "Prince of Prussia" - not the Regiment in which AW actually served (though he was there, just on the other side on the Moldau, if I remember correctly, with James Keith, but a regiment named after him or rather his title. I seem to recall various regiments were named after (male) members of the Royal family. Also, "attack on the Zisca mountain" - wasn't that where Heinrich made his name?
Given Leining lists all of these, I'm assuming that both Fredersdorf and he would have known these gentlemen more than just by name.
Starting the next batch, for whenever you have time (I know this is a busy week for you).
Monsieur et très cher Compère!
Ich habe dero zwei Schreiben vom 14ten und 16ten dieses richtig erhalten. Bey Empfang der ersteren ist die Einlage an der König sogleich besorget worden. Se. Maj. haben dieselbe sehr gnädig durchgelesen, und mir befohlen Ihnen für dero redliche Gesin- nungen zu dancken.
Die Commission an den H.n Obrist von Dauentzien habe ich, wie beilie- gendes Schreiben von Ihm mit mehrere bekräftigen wird, treulich ausgerichtet. Da ich glaube, dass des Major Linge[n]feldts Verlassen- schaft mehr als 1000 rt. beträgt, und sich nach Anzeige des Herrn von Dauentzien erst so viel Creditores als diese Post austräget ge- meldet, so kann es vielleicht geschehen, dass sie insgesammt, sogleich auch mon cher compère, befriediget werden. Was ich dazu in der folge beytragen kann, soll mit Vergnügen geschehen.
Den Brief an den H.n Obrist von Tauentzien von seiner Frau Ge- mahlin habe gleichfalls richtig besorget. Auch ist nun endlich der geräucherte Bremer-Lachs vor 5 Tagen angekommen.
Von der Churmärck.-Cammer habe wegen des bewüßten Schreibens noch keine Antwort. Sobald selbige erfolget, werde keinen Anstand nehmen, Ihnen von deren Inhalt part zu geben.
Dem Herrn Grafen von Schaffgotsch habe ich meine natürliche Gedancken wegen der Kienbergschen Pacht bereits vor 4 Wochen geschrieben, und mich gantz positivement gegen ihn erklärt dass, wenn Er die Pacht continuiren wollte, ich solches Seinen Gutbefinden lediglich überließe, ich wollte mich aber aller Verant- wortung, wenn es schlecht gienge feyerlich entsagen, und Ihro Excellentz müssten in diesem Fall allein für den Riss stehen. Ich habe auch nicht vergessen, wegen den schlechten qualité des Kien- bergschen Heues, und dass solches einbeständigen Stein des An- stoßes seyn wurde, Erinnerung zu thun. Folglich sehen mon cher Compère, dass ich mich in allen Stücken pracaviret, und also nichts zu besorgen haben werde.
Die Nachricht von der Uebergabe der Stadt Prag wird nun wohl nicht mehr lange außen bleiben. Der Angriff wird in wenig Ta- gen mit solchem Nachdruck geschehen, dass sie, ehe wir es uns versehen, wird Chamade schlagen müssen. In diesen Erwartung habe ich das Vergnügen, mit der aufrichtigsten Hochachtung zu seyn, Monsieur et très cher Compère votre tres humble et plus fidele Serviteur Leining
Haupt-Quartier bey Prag den 23te Maj. 1757
P.S. Se. König. Maj. haben mich bey Uberreichung dero letzten Briefes gefragt, ob Sie noch lebten und ob ich von dero befinden keine Nachricht hätte, weswegen ich aber, weil mir dero 2 letzten Schreiben davon nichts erwähnt, kein hinreichendes éclaircissement geben können. Ich bitte also diese Punct gelegentlich nicht zu vergessen.
Herr Anderson ist den 12te dieses glücklich hier angelanget, Sein Sort aber ist ist so beschaffen, dass ich zur Zeit noch nicht ein- sehen kann, ob es sein Glück oder Unglück sey, dass er anhero gekommen. [So??] er ist mir unter die Souportination geben und soll bey der Livre essen und schlaffen, hartte sachen.
I've highlighted the words I'm least sure of, but anything could be wrong, from a "Casse" to a "bey den"!
Note: Remember that we found "für den Riss stehen" was a legit idiom:
Schwang: für den Schwang halten, die Gefahr abwenden, aufhalten; Eg. ähnlich „für den Riss stehen“.
I received both of your letters from the 14th and the 16th. When I got the former, I immediately handed over the inserted page to the King. His Majesty has read through it very graciously and ordered me to thank you for your true heart.
I've faithfully transmitted the commission to Colonel von Tauentzien, as the inclosed letter by him will confirm, among others. As I believe the late Major Lingefeldt's legacy to amount to more than 1000 Reichstaler, and that there will as many creditors making themselves known as the mail will permit after Herr von Tauentzien's announcement, it may happen that they as well as mon chere compere will be satisfied. Whatever I can contribute to help with this, I'll gladly do.
I also forwarded the letter to Colonel von Tauentzien by his lady wife. Moreover, the smoked salmon from Bremen has now finally arrived five days ago.
Meanwhile, there's no reply to the letter in question yet by the Kurmärkische Kammer. As soon as it arrives, I'll make its content known to you immediately.
I've told Count von Schaffgotsch my natural thoughts regarding the Kienberg lease already four weeks ago, and have left him in no doubt that if he wants to continue the lease, I'll leave this to his judgement, but if it turns out badly, I'm officially washing my hands of it all, and that His Excellency would have to deal with this danger alone. Nor did I forgot to remind him of the bad quality of the Kienberg hay and how it would* be an ongoing sore point. So you see, mon cher Compere, that I've covered myself from all sides and won't have to do anything further.
We surely won't have to wait much longer for the news of Prague's surrender. In a few days, the attack will happen with such fierceness that they will be pulverized before we know it. Awaiting this, I have the pleasure of remaining with the utmost respect,
Monsieur et très cher Compère votre tres humble et plus fidele Serviteur Leining
Headquarters near Prague, May 23rd 1757
P.S. His Majesty the King has asked me when I delivered your latest letter whether you were still alive, and whether I didn't have any news about your state of health, to which I, however, couldn't provide any sufficient enlightenment as your two most recent letters didn't mention anything about this. I therefore ask you to not forget this point on future occasions.
Herr Anderson has happily arrived here on the 12th. His type, however, is of a sort that I can't tell yet whether it will be his fortune or misfortune that he has come here. As he has been made my subordinate - literally "given into subordination to me", but no one says that - , he's supposed to eat and sleep by the book, tough choice.**
** I'm guessing "Livre" as the French word for book here, also writing with the knowledge of future Leining and Anderson letters in which the former presents the later as mouthy and they both are sure Fredersdorf will be on THEiR side. However, another possibility is that Leining means "Livree", i.e. the term for a servant's uniform, i.e. Anderson is supposed to eat and sleep in uniform (maybe he used to be allowed to wear civilian outfits a few years ago, in peace time, when last he served Fritz), OR it isn't either "livre" or "livree", but some version of "lit", i.e. Anderson is supposed to eat and sleep next to Fritz' bed. Would also make sense.
Lastly: I still go "awwwww" at Fritz demanding a detailed Fredersdorf health report from Leining. Take that, Wegfraß, indeed!
Ich habe endlich gestern die Antwort von der Churmärck.-Cammer auf mein letzteres Anschreiben von 4te. May. a.c. erhalten, welche denn nicht ermangele, mon tres cher Compère, nebst denen gesamm- ten Beylagen zu communiciren, mit bitte, mir alles nach ge- machten Gebrauch wieder zurück zu senden. Es freuet mich, dass Sie dieser Sache wegen aus dem Embarras kommen, und von denen angedroheten unangenehmen Zwangsmitteln verschonet bleiben. Zugleich ist mir angenehm, dass der Herr Graf von Schaff- gotsch sich der Pacht von Kienberg annimmet, und mir zu meiner Consolation die Versicherung giebet, dass Er vor der Riss stehen, auch zu keinen Beschwerden über schlechtes Heu Anlass geben will.
Schreiben Sie mir doch, ob Se. Maj. der König denen Kietzern in Cüstrin wenn Sie Höchstdenenselben Fische gesandt, ein Douceur bekommen haben. Die Küche will mir solches aus einer unzeitigen Freigebigkeit in Rechnung bringen. Ich glaube aber, dass solches zur Ungebühr ge- schiehet.
Die gestern an meine Frau gesandte relation wird mon cher Compère wohl communiciret worden seyn. Heute brennet das Feuer in zwei Orten wieder entsetzlich starck, und mich soll wündern, wie lange die Herrn Präger und die darinn befindliche Troupen dieses Feuerwerckchen ausfallen werden.
Ich habe die Ehre, mit der vorzüglichsten Hochachtung zu verharre, Monsieur et très cher Compère votre tres humble et fiedele Serviteur
je vous rend Grace pour le bon vin, ma femme s'engrisera
Leining
Haupt-Quartier bei Prag den 3ten Junii 1757
Here's "Douceur"! I can find no evidence either in Duden or in my deciphering of handwritten Pfeiffer and Keith documents that it means anything but what it means in English: tip, so if it means "sweet" (which I agree it looks like it does), he must be thinking in French (though even then the singular is weird, at least for modern French--Larousse doesn't have it).
What are the grammatical rules for dates? Everyone abbreviates/scribbles so much I can't decipher with confidence, and my German-fu is weak when it comes to making up the difference.
Yesterday, I finally received the reply from the Kurmärkische Kammer to my last letter of May 4th, and am not neglecting to share it in addition to the collected inserts, mon tres cher compare, so I ask you to send me all of it back once you’ve put it to good use. I’m glad you get out of any embarrassment in this matter, and will be spared any disagreeable threatened forcible means. Additionally, it pleases me that Count von Schaffgotsch will indeed take the lease of Kienberg, and has consoled me by giving me the assurance that he will indeed cope with the danger and won’t give any cause to complaints about bad hay.
Please write to me whether the fishermen from Küstrin* have received any douceurs from His Majesty the King when you had ordered fish to be sent to him. In a liberality, not suited to these times, the kitchen wants to bill me for these. But I believe that this happens inappropriately.
The news I’ve sent to my wife yesterday will have been shared with mon cher compere. Today again there are fires in two places which burn fiercely, and I’d be surprised if the good citizens of Prague and the troops contained within will endure these fireworks for long.
I have the honor of remaining with the deepest respect, Monsieur et tres cher compere,
votre tres humble et fiedele Serviteur
je vous rend Grace pour le bon vin, ma femme s'engrisera
Leining
Headquarters near Prague June 3rd 1757
And yes, "den 3ten" is the correct German here. If he doesn't use "den" and just says (Number), it would be ("Number)er. Also, I'm still amused at everyone's undue optimism that Prague will surrender any minute now. Kolin is just around the corner, guys! Oh, and re: the French sentence - "I thank your Grace for the good wine, my wife will get drunk with it" - would be me interpretation.
*"Kietzern" - it occured to me, and dictionaries seem to confirm it, that he's using an old fashioned word here, which is related to the still in use "Kiez". A "Kiez" used to be indeed a fishermen town, and then the meaning changed, most famously with the Hamburg Kiez of St. Pauli, to a red light district, but that hadn't happened yet, so I think given we're talking about the fish sent to Fritz, Leining wants to know whether the Küstrin fishermen used to get an extra tip from Fritz (!!!) for that one or whether the Kitchen is making that up.
Having one of those moments where you read about a woman who many people dislike, go 'Huh', read a little more, and then become Charter Member of her Defence Squad. In this case, Laure Junot, wife of General Jean-Andoche Junot.
Laure's memoirs, described by one historian as 'bitchy' are considered a key source of the Napoleonic period: she had known Napoleon since the age of five, and married his close friend and former room mate. She and Napoleon did not get on, he referred to her as 'petite peste'. On her side, the dislike may have something to do with how he used to come into her bedroom in the early morning and watch her when she was sixteen and visiting Malmaison after her marriage to Junot. When she 'seduced' her husband into staying the night, and the door was locked, Napoleon found this very unreasonable.
Junot had probably had a TBI at one point, and his mental health began declining rapidly during their marriage. In 1807, he had an affair with Caroline Murat, sister of Napoleon. In 1809, Laure had an affair with Metternich, and in 1810, he found out.
Metternich had left the country. Eleonore Metternich, however, was still in Paris with her children, and wrote to her husband that she had received a letter from Laure asking her to come over at once. When she arrived, the door was locked behind her. Laure was sat on the sofa, with her face in her hands, and Junot was there with a love letter from Metternich to Laure. What ensured was a tirade lasting hours, attempting to get Eleonore to admit that the letter was from Metternich (Eleonore's response was "Not his handwriting!"), and generally ranting.
According to Laure's 'Intimate Journal', written ~20 years after, before Eleonore had arrived, Junot had attempted to rape her, but she had forced him off. He had then stabbed her with a pair of scissors, and begun to strangle her, stopping only when she lost consciousness and he saw her literal blood on his hands. Eleonore, in her letter to Metternich, refers to him as 'Bluebeard', suggesting she thought he was capable of killing Laure.
(Junot also attempted a psychological game with her, but 'unfortunately' that mail bag was captured by the Russians. He wrote to one mistress saying that if she took another lover, he would kill her.)
Junot was financially spendthrift, for which Laure was also blamed. He committed suicide in 1813, having thoroughly fucked up a number of military campaigns. Napoleon banished Laure from Paris, for reasons of her infidelity and financial affairs (Junot had left no money). She did not support Napoleon during the Hundred Days (quelle surprise!), and following the restoration of the Bourbon Monarchy, became an authoress and salon holder. In the early 1830s, she was the lover of Balzac, and together they wrote and published her eighteen volume memoirs. These laud Junot-- it seems likely that a) her opinion of him could be contradictory: they had been married thirteen years, with four children, and b) writing about how shitty your dead husband was in the 1830s didn't look good. She died in poverty in 1838.
On her side, the dislike may have something to do with how he used to come into her bedroom in the early morning and watch her when she was sixteen and visiting Malmaison after her marriage to Junot. When she 'seduced' her husband into staying the night, and the door was locked, Napoleon found this very unreasonable.
...OMG. Wow, chalk another one up to the phenomenon of "woman objects rightly to terrible behavior and is therefore thought extremely unreasonable!" I mean, and then the stuff that happened after that!!
What ensured was a tirade lasting hours, attempting to get Eleonore to admit that the letter was from Metternich (Eleonore's response was "Not his handwriting!"), and generally ranting.
This is absolutely horrible, and also I must confess I snorted at the "Not his handwriting!" bit.
The tension between her Intimate Journal and memoirs is also fascinating.
Thank you for telling me about Laure, whom I didn't know anything about before!
Einliegender brief ist heute unter Glasows Adresse aus Bologna von dem Grafen Algarotti mit angekommen. Ich ermangele nicht, denselben sogleich zu übermachen, und mon cher Compère von der aus- nehmenden Hochachtung zu versichern, mit der ich beständig seyn werde,
Monsieur mon très cher Compère, vôtre tres humble et obeisant Serviteur Leining
The enclosed letter arrived today, sent via Glasow's address from Bologna by Count Algarotti. I do not fail to transfer the same immediately, and to assure mon cher Compère of the outstanding respect with which I shall always be
Monsieur mon très cher Compère, vôtre tres humble et obeisant Serviteur Leining
Headquarters near Prague June 7th 1757
I seem to remember that the last time, we discussed whether this meant a letter from Algarotti to Glasow personally, or to Fritz via Glasow (assuming that mail addressed to the King's valet will not be as scrutinized as mail directly addressed to the King, see also parts of the Crown Prince Fritz/Voltaire letters getting published before he ever got on the throne due to indiscreet mail people, or whether it was simply about Algarotti's pension and addressed to whoever was in charge of Fritz' purse now, in this case Glasow. Leining
Ich habe dero sehr werthes Schreiben vom 29ten m.p. erst gestern als den 9te dieses erhalten, worauf denn zuförderst versichern, dass es, so viel an mir liegt, an Erinnerungen und Vorstellungen nicht ermangeln soll, Ihnen zu der Lingerfeldtschen Förderung zu verhalten, wozu ich, da heute das erste Bataillon Garde und mit demselben d. H. Obrist von Tauentzien zu ausstößet vielfältige Gelegenheit haben werde.
Vor die mir erthielte Nachricht von dero Leibes- und Gesundheit-Umstän- den, so unangenehm selbige auch klinget, bin ich dennoch verbünden, weil ich des Königes Mai. nunmehro, wenn ich gefragt werde, davon Schuldigen raport machen kann.
Mit gleicher Erkenntlichkeit nehme ich die Erinnerung auf, welche mon cher Compère mir in Ansehung der Garten-Rechnungen machen wollen. Es ist wahr, dass ich dem Ober-Gärtner Krutisch die Assigna- tion derer wöchentlichen Rechnungen während meiner Abwesenheit aufgetragen, und aus dieser Ursache auch dem verstorbenen Krieges- rath Voss das nöthige gemeldet habe; und dazu habe ich folgende Gründe gehabt.
Erstlich habe ich, nachdem Se. Konig. Maj., mon cher Compère wegen dero kräncklichen Umstände soulagiret und in Ruhe wissen wollen, und mir also auch die direction in König. Gärten-Sachen oblieget, niemanden in Potsdam gewußt, dem ich die assignation der Gar- ten-Etats-Gelder committiren können; wie ich solches unter andern auch dem Gärtner Sello unterm 28 m.p. bekannt gemacht habe, zweytens habe ich darum auf den Ober-Gärtner Krutisch mein Augen- merck gerichtet, weil er, da mon cher Compère Sich mit diesen Sachen, nicht mehr abgeben, am besten sehen und beurtheilen kann, ob die Arbeit oder Sachen, so in Rechnung gebracht werden, auch würklich gemacht sind. Drittens habe dem Ober-Gärtner mitnichten plein pouvoir über die andern König. Gärtner gegeben, sondern ich habe ihm bloß aufgetra- gen, dass er mir in meiner Abwesenheit fleißig berichten über die assignirte Gelder eine Controlle führen, und mir vor alles re- sponsable seyn soll.
Viertens ist es wohl an dem, dass die Ober-Rechen-Cammer gegen die Anweisungen des p Krutisch in seinen eigenen Rechnungs-Sachen mo- nita machen würde; da ich mir aber vorbehalten, selbige bey meiner künftigen retour nach geschehener gnauen Untersuchung zu auctoriseren, auch allenfalls dieses, wenn es anlanget wird, noch eher zu thun; so wird dadurch allem Anstoß vorgebeuget und in diesem Fall des Krutisch Unterschrift nun ad interim als ein bloßes attest gelten, welches die gegenwärtige Zeitläufte und Umstände gültig machen angesehen werden.
Ich hoffe, dass Sie dieses mein Arrangement, auf die Art, wie ich die Ehre gehatt, es hier zu detailliren, für gut finden werden. Wissen Sie ein etwas besseres zum Dienst und Nutzen des Königes vorzu- schlagen, werde es mit der großten Erkentlichkeit annehmen. Uebrigens werden meine 2 letzte Briefe vom 4ten und 7ten dieses nebst denen Beylagen nunmehro wohl angelanget seyn.
Ich empfele mich zu dero beständigen Freundschaft, und versichere noch derjenigen, so ich für Sie frage, dass ich allemahl mit der aufrichtigsten Hochachtung seyn werde,
Monsieur et très cher Compère, votre tres humble et obeisant Serviteur Leining
Ich habe dero Schreiben vom 27. m.p. nebst dem Briefe des Grafen Algarotti erhalten, und nach Eröffnung desselben darinn eine Einlage für den Abbe de Prades gefunden, dem ich selbige auch zugestellet habe. Es wundert mich, dass der Herr Graf seine Briefe noch immer unter Glasows Adresse einsendet, da ich ihm doch schon vor länger als 4 Wochen gemeldet, dass dieser Mann in der qualité eines Kammer-Dienes nicht mehr existirte. Vor 8 Tagen habe wieder an ihn geschrieben, und vermuthlich wird inskünftige diese Adresse nicht wieder zum Vorschein kommen.
Ich hoffe, dass mon cher Compère sich jetzo etwas wohl befinden werden. Se. Maj. haben Sich vorgestern sehr gnädig darnach er- kundiget, und da ich Höchstdenenselben sagte, dass Sie zufolge dero letzteren Briefen geschwollen wären, bedauerten Höchstdieselben Sie recht sehr.
Da unsre hiesige Neuigkeit zeithero nicht angenehm gewesen, habe ich mit allem Fleiß, meine Freunde damit nicht beun- ruhigen wollen. Vielleicht aber sind Sie aus Mangel wahrer und genuiner Nachrichten noch in großerer Verlegenkeit. Ich kann nur leicht vorstellen, was in dortigen Landen fur Wiedersprüche herrschen müssen, da man hier bey der Armée nicht gäntzlich davon befreyet ist, sondern alle Behutsamkeit anzuwenden hat, dass man nicht durch fürchterliche Vorstellungen unser Angelegenheiten hintergangen wird.
Ich kann Ihnen mit voller Gewissheit melden, dass unsre Umstände nicht so beschaffen sind, als unser Feinde, die ohnedem zur Aus- schweifung und Prahlerey bis zum Ekel geneigt sind, es behaupten. Wir sind ihnen hier in Böhmen noch an Anzahl und Macht überlegen, und ungeachtet bei der letzten Action vom 18. Junii der Endzweck nicht erreichet, auch die Belagerung von Prag aüf- gehoben worden: so stehen wir doch anjetzo in einer Verfassung, die unsre Vortheile in Böhmen nicht allein behauptet, sondern auch dem Feinde bittere Streiche prophezeyet. Dass letzterer bey der vor- gefallenen action keine Seide gesponnen, erhellet aus vielen an- dern Gründen nur daraus, dass derselbe sich nicht getrauet, uns unter Augen zu kommen, sondern nur mit detachirten Haufen Räuber-Gesindel gegen uns agiren lässet. Die Ueberläufer von der feindlichen Armée, so gegenwärtig mit dem rechten Flügel bey Lissa mit dem lincken nach der Yser zu ste- het, sagen einmütig aus, dass oesterreichischer Seits in der letzten Bataille mehr als 20000 Man geblieben, und wenn unsre Cavallerie, oder nur ein Paar Regimenter noch einen Choc gemacht, wäre ihre gantze schon in völlige Verwirrung geriethene Ordre de bataille zum Henker gegangen. Es ist also ein Glück, für die Oesterreicher, dass sie dies einzige mahl auf dem Ort, wo sie von Anfang ge- standen, stehen geblieben, mehrerer Vortheile können sie sich mit Recht nicht rühmen. Der Himmel wende nur größeres Unglück von ünsern landen ab! Hier in Böhmen werden den Feinden schon schreck- lich bleiben.
Unser armer Feld-Probst Decker ist zu meiner und vieler Freunde größten Betrübnis heute früh noch einer kürtzen doch heftigen Kranck- heit am hitzigen Fieber, in die Ewigkeit gegangen. Gott erbarme sich Seiner zahlreichen nachgelassenen Famille!
Den Herr Hofrath Cothenius haben Sr. König. Maj. aus Höchsteigener Bewegung zum Geheimen-Rath erkläret. Er ist es würdig, und ich kenne keinen Menschen, der Ihm sein Glück misgönnet. Vermuth- lich wird Er Ihnen davon Part geben.
Ich empfehle mich übrigens zu beständigen Freundschaft, und habe die Ehre, mit der vollkommensten Hochachtung zu verharre,
Monsieur et très cher Compère, votre tres humble et fidele Serviteur Leining
Haupt-Quartier zu Leitmeritz den 7te Julii 1757
ich wolte dass H. An. in Pommern blieben wäre. denn der wulff lässt von seine Haar etc etc. ohngeachtet Sr. König. Maijt. mir ihn gleich andern Cammer Bedienter Souportirirt so stößet doch die herrschsucht zu weilen vor und ich habe ofters Verdrüß von ihm, noch ist nicht die geringste Marque der Grace gegen ihn, ich wolte dass es auf einer oder die andere arth änderte.
Ich hoffe, dass mein letztes Schreiben vom 8. dieses werde an- gekommen seyn. Zu gegenwärtigem veranlasset mich meine gegen mon cher Compère hegende aufrichtige Freundschaft, und nach derselben kann ich ihnen nicht verhehlen, dass mir von guter Hand aus Potsdam gemeldet worden, dass der Herr von Asseburg bey seinem letzen dasigen gantz kurtzen Auffenthalt von Ihnen mit gantz aufnehmenden Höflichkeiten beehret wor- den, und unter andern auch in dero Wagen nach Hause ge- fahren worden. Ich glaube, dass derselbe Ihnen so wie vielen andern ehrlichen Leuten viel Windbeuteleyen wird vorgesagt haben, ich zweifele aber auch nicht, dass Sie nunmehro eines andern überzeugt seyn und wissen werden, was für eine niederträchtige Rolle dieser Herr bey der letzten Bataille gespielet. Wird es dahero nicht nöthig sein, dass Sie Ihren Wagen auf alle nur möglich Art reinigen und ausräuchern lassen, da- mit selbigen von der Poltronnerie, wovon ich ihn gantz inficirt zu seyn glaube, gesäubert werde? Den Spaß bey Seite gesetzt, muß ich Ihnen melden, dass gedachten Asseburg in der letzten Schlacht bey Planian seinen Posten verlassen, sich unter dem Vorgeben, dass er blessiret, hinter den Bagage verstecket, und nicht eher wieder zum Vorschein gekommen, bis Gefahr völlig vor- über war. Diese schändliche Aufführung hat dem Könige nicht verborgen bleiben können, und Se. Maj. haben ihn, ob er wohl eine härtere Bestrafung verdient, von der Armée weggejagt. Ich hätte gewünscht, dass ich mon cher Compère von diesem Um- stand eher hätte benachrichtigen können. Ich bin versichert, dass Sie ihn nicht würden haben über Ihre Thür-Schwelle treten, noch weniger ihn in dero Wagen zu Hause bringen lassen. Ich empfele mich zu beharrlicher Freundschaft, und verbliebe mit der aufrichtigsten Hochachtung,
Monsieur et très-cher Compère, Votre tres humble et fidele Serviteur Leining
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